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Mr. Clay's Speech at Lexington, Ky..

Mr. Clay's speech at Lexington, Ky.

Saturday, Nov. 13th
    As the whole country has had its curiosity, of late, excited by the formal announcement, with a great flourish of trumpets, that Henry Clay, (the biggest of whig guns,) would make a full and explicit declaration of the what and wherefore of his principles and the principles of his party, at Lexington, Kentucky, on the thirteenth day of November, in the year of grace eighteen hundred and forty-seven--we hasten to gratify our readers by copying the following account of the said what and wherefore, from the New York Tribune of this morning; to the enterprise of which print we must say the public are indebted for a very speedy bringing the news, by express and magnetism. The above-alluded-to what and wherefore of principles, are the more necessary now, as it is all of two or three years since we have had any declaration of the creed of whigism "for the public eye;" and as next summer will witness a presidential canvass, common decency demands that the whig leaders shall bring forward something under which to make at least a show of fight. Besides every body knows that the whigs want an entire fresh set of "principles" at the end of every two or three years.
    We give the resolutions below, as the Tribune publishes them, and as they were presented to the meeting by Mr. Clay himself. His full speech Mr C. did not wish to have reported until submitted to his own revision. The Tribune gives an abstract of the speech, however, in which the "sage of Ashland" goes fiercely against the war and decidedly against the extension of slavery--the latter avowal being a more plump and courageous one than might be expected of a southerner and a slave-holder....
We proceed to quote from the Tribune:

    Gen. Leslie Combs called the meeting to order, and hoped that perfect silence might be observed, as it was probably the last time that the illustrious friend now before them would ever address a popular assemblage. He had resolved to do it on this occasion from a high sense of duty to himself and to his country. The momentous question now presented to the American people, of the annexation, by conquest or purchase, of an immense foreign territory, inhabited by millions of people, of diverse races and colors, who are necessarily to be placed on an equality with our own free white population, presents a crisis which permitted no man who loved his country to keep silence. Henry Clay would have been unworthy of his past history had he allowed any selfish considerations to palsey his tongue--most unworthy of the honest fame of him who 'would rather be right than be president.'
    Gen. C. closed his brief observations by moving the appointment of Hon. George Robertson as president of the meeting, with a strong army of vice presidents and secretaries (whose names will be given hereafter.)
    Mr. Clay then came forward amid the cheers of the whole assemblage, and, silence being at length restored, proceeded to read the following resolutions, in which he had embodied the sentiments which he proposed to illustrate and enforce in his speech:
    1st. Resolved, As the opinion of this meeting that the primary cause of the present unhappy war existing between the United States of America and the U. S. of the republic of Mexico was the annexation of Texas to the former, and the immediate occasion of hostilities between the two republics arose out of the order of the president of the United States for the removal of the army under the command of Gen. Taylor from its position at Corpus Christi to a point opposite Matamoras on the east bank of the Rio Bravo, within the territory claimed by both republics, but then under jurisdiction of Mexico and inhabited by its citizens--that the order of the president for the removal of the army to that point was improvident and unconstitutional, it being without the concurrence of congress, or even consultation with it, although it was in session; but that congress having by its subsequent acts recognized the war thus brought into existence without its previous authority or consent, the prosecution of it became thereby national.
    2d Resolved, That in the absence of any formal and public declaration by congress of the objects for which the war ought to be prosecuted, the president of the United States, as chief magistrate, as commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United States, is left to the guidance of his own judgement to prosecute it for such purposes and objects as he may deem the honor and interest of the nation to require.
    3d Resolved, That, by the constitution of the United States, congress--being invested with power to declare war and grant letters of marque and reprisals, to make rules concerning captures by land and water, to raise and support armies, to provide and maintain a navy, and to make rules for the government of the land and naval forces--has the fullest and most complete war-making power of the people of the United States, and, so possessing it, has a right to determine upon the motives, causes and objects of a war, when once commenced, or at any time during the progress of its existence.
    4th Resolved, As the farther opinion of this meeting, that it is the duty of congress to declare, by some authentic act, for what purpose and object the existing war ought to be farther prosecuted,--that it is the duty of the president in his official capacity to conform to such a declaration of congress; and, if after such declaration the president should decline or refuse to endeavor by all the means, civil, diplomatic and military, in his power, to execute the announced will of congress, and, in defiance of its authority, should continue to preosecute the war for purposes and objects other than those declared by that body, it would become the right and duty of congress to adopt the most efficacious measures to arrest the farther progress of the war, taking care to make ample provisions for the honor, the safety and security of our armies in Mexico in every contingency; and if Mexico should decline or refuse to conclude a treaty with us, stipulating for the purposes and objects so declared by congress, it would be the duty of the government to prosecute the war with the utmost vigor, until they were attained by a treaty of peace.
    5th Resolved, That we view with serious alarm, and are utterly opposed to any purpose like the annexation of Mexico to the United States in any mode, and especially by conquest; that we believe the nations could not be happily governed by one common authority, owing to their great difference of race, law, language and religion, and the vast extent of their respective populations, that such a union, against the consent of the exasperated Mexican people, could only be effected and preserved by large standing armies, the constant application of military force--in other words by despotic sway exercised over the Mexican people in the first instance, but which, there would be, just cause to apprehend might, in process of time, be extended over the people of the United States: that we deprecate, therefore, such a union as wholly incompatible with the genius of our government and with the character of our free and liberal institutions; and we anxiously hope that each nation may be left in the undisturbed possession of its own laws, language, cherished religion and territory, to pursue its own happiness according to what it may deem best for itself.
    6th Resolved, That, considering the series of splendid and brilliant victories achieved by our brave armies and their gallant commanders during the war with Mexico, unattended by a single reverse, the United States, without any danger of their honor suffering the slightest tarnish, can practice the vitrue of moderation and magnimity toward their discomfited foes: and say, We have no desire for the dis[m]emberment of the republic of Mexico, but wish only a just and proper adjustment of the limits of Texas.
    7th Resolved, That we do positively and emphatically disclaim and disavow any wish or desire on our part to acquire any foreign territory whatever for the purpose of propogating slavery, or of introducing slavery from the United States into any such foreign territory.
    8th Resolved, That we invite our fellow-citizens of the United States, who are anxious for the restoration of the blessings of Peace, or desirous, if the existing war shall continue to be prosecuted, that its purpose and object shall be defined and known--who are anxious to avert the present and future perils and dangers with which it may be fraught--and who are also anxious to produce contentment and satisfaction at home, and to elevate the national character abroad--to assemble together in their communities and express their views, feelings and opinions on the subject.
    Then Mr. Clay launched into his "great speech"--great certainly in length, it being three hours in extent. We reserve any further remarks until we get the speech in full. As reported in the morning papers, it is nothing more than the resolutions that we have given.


Source:

Unknown, "Mr. Clay's Speech at Lexington, Ky.," Brooklyn Eagle and Kings County Democrat, Brooklyn, Monday, 15 November 1847, p. 2.

Created March 9, 2004; Revised March 9, 2004
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