103. Samuel4 Wallingford (Col. Thomas3, John2, Nicholas1) was born in Berwick, York County, Maine 4 February 1755.(1168) Samuel was killed in battle at sea off the coast of Carrickfergus, Ireland, 24 April 1778, at 23 years of age.(1169)
He married Lydia Baker, 22 July 1775, in Dover, Strafford County, New Hampshire.(1170) They were married by the Rev. Jeremy Belknap of the First Church of Dover.
Lydia was born 12 May 1759, in Dover, New Hampshire.(1171) Lydia was the daughter of Otis Baker and Tamsen Chesley. Lydia died 14 February 1828, at the home of her daughter, in Sandwich, Strafford County, New Hampshire, at 68 years of age.(1172) She was buried in Pine Hill Cemetery in Dover. Her second husband Amos was born in Haverhill, Mass. on 4 October 1752 to Nathaniel and Judith (Badger) Cogswell(1173) , and died in Dover on 28 January 1826.(1174) On 20 June 1787 and again on 17 July 1790 he was appointed guardian of Lydia's minor son George Washington Wallingford. Amos gave bond with Otis Baker of Dover and Thomas Cogswell of Gilmanton, both of whom are likely relatives of he and his wife.(1175)
Amos served during the Revolutionary War. His 1820 pension papers contain the following extract, taken from the Wentworth Genealogy: "About the 10 May 1775, I entered the service of my country as a second Lieutenant in Col. Gerrish's regiment, in the Massachusetts line, and was in a small action with the enemy at Sewell's Point with their floating batteries. In 1776, I served as second Lieutenant in Col. Baldwin's regiment, in New York; was in a small action with the enemy when they landed at Throg's neck, and also at White Plains. At Trenton, I waded across the river, and took two Hessian prisoners under the Bridge; in doing which, I got a bad cold, and have had the rheumatism more or less ever since. In 1777, January 1st, I was appointed a Captain in the 9th Massachusetts Regiment, commanded by Col. James Wasson; was up the Mohawk River; took Ensign Butler, with fourteen Canada Rangers, and three Indians, prisoners; was at the raising of the siege of Fort Schuyler; marched from Albany to Ballston with one hundred men, and took forty refugees prisoners, that were going to Canada; was at the taking of Burgoyne; marched into their encampment with one hundred men, when their troops marched out, and collected together all their arms, and made my report to the Adjustant General that night. From there I joined General Washington, at Whitemarsh; was in the battle of Monmouth; was in a small action near King's Bridge, when the French troops joined the American army. I continued in service until the last day of December 1783, when I left with a commission of Brevet Major." Gov. John Langdon of New Hampshire made him Colonel of the 1st Regiment of Light Horse on 4 November 1785. Amos represented Dover in the New Hampshire House of Representatives from 1807 to 1810, in 1812, 1814, and 1815, and perhaps in other years; was in the State Senate 1818-20, and was one of the Presidential electors in 1816. After his death Lydia went to live with one of her Cogswell daughters in Kennebunk, Maine until 1827, then with another Cogswell daughter in Sandwich, N.H. where she died. This second daughter was the mother of John Wentworth, author of the Wentworth Genealogy. The tombstones in Pine Hill Cemetery which contain much vital information on these individuals were erected by John Wentworth long after their deaths.(1176) Some of the Cogswell descendants had Wallingford as their middle name.
During the Revolutionary War Samuel served as a Lieutenant of Marines under John Paul Jones and was killed in the engagement between the Drake and the Ranger. His military service during the Revolution began in 1775. On 5 November 1775 Samuel was 1st Lt. in Capt. Moses Yeaton's 12th Co., stationed on Pierce's Island amongst forces guarding Portsmouth's Piscataqua Harbor from attack by sea. On 2 December of that year General John Sullivan, who was stationed at "Winter Hill" in Charlestown, Mass., asked for reinforcements to his force surrounding the British in Boston. 2058 men from N.H. went down, including now 2nd Lt. Samuel Wallingford, part of Capt. David Copps' 25th Co. They remained at Winter Hill until the British evacuated Boston the following March(1177).
During July and August of 1776 a regiment was raised to assist the ongoing war in Canada and placed under the command of Col. Joshua Wingate. 2nd Lt. Samuel Wallingford was a member of Capt. Joseph Badger Jr.'s 8th Co. They joined the Northern Army in upstate New York, after General Sullivan had made his successful retreat with the remnant's of General Montgomery's Army before their arrival(1178).
In December of 1776 a regiment was raised under Col. David Gilman to reinforce the army in New York. Samuel Wallingford was now a captain of the 4th Co. This regiment, among others raised in N.H., joined Washington in Pennsylvania and participated in the battles of Trenton and Princeton. After that the army went into winter quarters at Morristown, N.J. where they suffered through a cold winter with little food or clothing and also were plagued by smallpox. Despite these deprivations many in the N.H. regiments continued in the army six weeks beyond their time of enlistment, until March of 1777.(1179) Whether Samuel Wallingford was still with his company during all this time is unknown.
The N.H. Journal of the House of Representatives makes mention of voting to accept Capt. Samuel Wallingford's roll allowing for £93, 16p in late June 1777.(1180)
On 15 July 1777 John Paul Jones wrote to Samuel from Portsmouth the following: "Sir You being nominated as Lieutenant of Marines in the Service of these States, are hereby Authorized and directed forthwith to Enlist as many Able Bodied Men as possible to Serve in the Navy under my Command -- You are to enter All the good Seamen who present themselves--as Sundry petty Warrant Officers will be Appointed from Among them. I will shortly send you with hand Bills for your Government--and in the Meantime the men will be intitled to wages from the date of Entry--their reasonable Travelling expences will be Allowed--and a bounty of Forty Dollars for every Able Seaman will be Paid on their Appearance at the Ship."(1181)
Jones' ship, the 18-gun sloop of war Ranger, was built in Portsmouth, N.H. in 1777, and she and her crew left the New Hampshire coast on November 1, 1777, bound for France. Along the way she captured two brigs, the Mary and George. These prizes weren't large enough to satisfy the crew, who had been recruited with the promise of profits, and to make matters worse the men didn't receive their shares from either. Jones was more interested in fighting battles and destroying English shipping than in making profits. In addition, Jones was a Scotsman and a military disciplinarian, and was unfamiliar to his New England crew. All these factors and more added to insubordination from both officers and crew before they ever left France. Whether Wallingford participated in this insubordination is unknown.
They received their sailing orders in January 1778. "After equipping the Ranger in the best manner for the cruise you propose, that you proceed with her in the manner you shall judge best for distressing the Enemies of the United States, by sea or otherwise". His plan was to raid British ports and shipping along the English coast, to in effect bring the war home to England. They finally headed for the west coast of England in April and proceeded to engage in battle, capture, and even sink a number of ships.(1182)
In the early morning hours of April 23 they attacked the town of Whitehaven on the Scottish coast. Wallingford helped lead one of the forays in an attempt to burn the ships on the north side of the harbor while Jones led another crew to the other side and proceeded to spike a number of cannon there. Of his return from this foray Jones wrote, "I naturally expected to see the Fire of the Ships on the North side as well as to find my own party with everything in readiness to set Fire to the Shipping on the South; instead of this I found the Boat under the direction of Mr. Hill and Mr. Wallingsford returned, and the party in some confusion; their Light having burnt out at the instant when it became necessary. By the strangest Fatallity my own party were in the same situation the Candles being all burnt out". "The Wentworth Genealogy" states that Wallingford, in answer to Jones' question about why the lights went out, "replied that his light had gone out, and besides, he did not see that anything could be gained by burning poor people's property."(1183) Other biographies of Jones indicate that it was the ships's doctor, Ezra Green, who made this statement, but it was probably the opinion of most of the crew, who had signed aboard the Ranger in hopes of big prize money and were now being asked to burn shipping instead of take them as prizes. One biography of Jones states that the "Wallingford-Hill boat party landed at the Old Quay slip, where they entered the nearest pub and 'made very free with the liquor, etc.'"(1184) They sound like men who were trying to avoid doing an unpleasant task with which they disagreed.
After this Jones went ashore to acquire more fire and then managed to set fire to only one ship. The fast approaching dawn and the arousal of the natives caused him to cut off his attack, but not before the amazed citizenry managed to find some unspiked guns and fire ineffectively at the retreating Americans. Jones was disappointed that he was unable to put fire to the more than 200 ships in the harbor and destroy the town, but was happy to have finally brought the war home to the English coast.(1185) While the actual damage was minimal, the propaganda effect was tremendous. London newspapers turned Jones into a quite terrifying pirate.
After the attack on Whitehaven the Ranger sailed twenty miles across Solway Firth, arriving later the same morning. Jones intended to raid the mansion of Lord Selkirk and kidnap him to hold him for ransom in an exchange of prisoners. When the ship's cutter was lowered into the water in the channel of St. Mary's Isle, Jones himself took command. He brought with him the ship's master, David Cullam (who earlier in the cruise was a ringleader in an attempted mutiny) and our Lieutenant Wallingford, as well as a dozen sailors. At 10:30 or 11:00 in the morning the cutter, completely undetected, made landfall completely undetected. Jones left one or two men to guard the boat while the rest of them, Wallingford included, marched up the path to the mansion. When they encountered the head gardener Jones cleverly claimed that they were part of a press gang seeking recruits for His Majesty's Navy, which had the effect of scaring all of the young men on the estate and causing them to run off to town to avoid being pressed. The gardener also gave them the bad news that Lord Selkirk was away from home that day.(1186)
Jones, disappointed with this turn of events, turned back intending to return to his ship right away, but Cullam and Wallingford argued that since they had come all this way they should be allowed to loot the mansion. They had raided Whitehaven and now St. Mary's Isle and they had no prizes to show for either attempt. They told Jones that some of the homes of their friends in New England had been burned by British sailors, so looting this mansion was entirely justified. Doing this offended Jones' sensibilities, but he knew when it was necessary to give in to the wishes of his men so forged a compromise. Cullam and Wallingford, and no one else, would go into the mansion, demand the family silver, and carry it off. They they must not search the house or molest the occupants or do any other damage or looting. His officers agreed and carried out his orders to the letter. Inside the mansion were the Countess, her young children, servants and guests. The Countess later wrote a detailed letter of what happened next.
Shortly after eleven o'clock she spotted the party of men approaching the house and described them as "horrid-looking wretches", armed to the teeth and dressed in no recognizable uniform. They surrounded the house and she assumed they were pirates, sending her children and maidservants into hiding on the top story of the mansion. Then Lady Selkirk, the children's governess and the butler stayed to face the intruders. At this point Cullam and Wallingford entered the house, told them who they were and that they were ordered to take the household silver. The Countess, undefended as she was, decided to cooperate fully. Of Cullam, the senior officer, she said that he "had a vile blackguard look, still kept civil as well he might". Of Wallingford, she said that he "was a civil young man in a green uniform, an anchor on his buttons which were white" and that he "seemed naturally well bred and not to like his employment". Once the family silver had been bagged the Countess says that she thought it odd that the men asked for neither watches nor jewelry, and that she chatted with them at the door for some time and "asked them a thousand questions" about America, saying that they "behaved with great civility". All this took about fifteen to twenty minutes. When Lady Selkirk cooly asked for a receipt for what they had taken Wallingford started to write one out but was stopped by his superior officer Cullam. The two of them then each accepted a glass of wine offered by the Countess and courteously took their leave and returned with their men to the cutter, where Jones was anxiously waiting to hear their report.(1187)
Jones, when he heard of how the Countess conducted herself, was filled with admiration and a few weeks later wrote her a lengthy letter describing his full intentions that day, and further promised to purchase her silver from the men himself and return it to her some day. This is a promise that he later kept. Lord Selkirk, after reading this letter, wrote a letter in reply, which Jones never received. In describing the raid he wrote, "But, Sir, the Orders you mention in your letter were punctually obeyed by your two Officers and Men, who in every respect behaved as well as could be expected on such an occasion. All the men remained on the outside of the house, were civil and did no injury, the two officers alone came within, and behaved with civility, and we were all sorry to hear afterwards that the younger officer in green uniform was killed in your engagement with the Drake, for he in particular showed so much civility and so apparent dislike at the business he was then on, that it is surprising how he should have been one of the proposers of it."(1188) Here he was referring to Wallingford's death in action the day after the raid on the mansion, which is described in detail below.
After this second onshore raid the countryside was very aroused and two English warships headed out after Jones and her crew. Jones headed out across the Irish Sea to the harbor at Carrickfergus, Ireland where two days earlier he had narrowly missed a chance to attack the 20-gun Drake. He found the Drake still at anchor and lured her out into the open sea where they spent the afternoon preparing for battle. One of Jones' tactics was to send several Marines aloft into the "tops", platforms about a third of the way up each mast where these sharpshooters could keep a steady fire of musket balls raining down on the enemy quarterdeck where the officers stood. Samuel Wallingford was one of these men.
The attack began just before dusk on April 24 and after a short battle it ended abruptly with the deaths of the two British senior officers. The Drake was captured and taken under tow to France. Jones lost only three men in this battle, but one of these three was the Lieutenant of Marines, Samuel Wallingford, who took a musket ball in the head and dropped dead, falling out of his perch in the tops, landing on the deck below.(1189)
In a later report Jones wrote, "I lost only Lieutenant Wallingford and one Seaman killed; and Six Wounded; among whom are the Gunner and Mr. Powers a Midshipman, who lost his Arm. One of the wounded is since dead, the rest will recover."(1190) Ship's Doctor Ezra Green gave a little more detail in his own log. "Lost on our side,- Lt. Wallingsford killed by a musket shot in the head." On the day after the battle he wrote that "in the Evening [they] committed the Body of Lt. Wallingsford to the deep with the Honours due to so brave an Officer."(1191)
In 1901 novelist Sarah Orne Jewett wrote a novel loosely based on Samuel Wallingford during the time of the Ranger. The main character is Roger Wallingford, and many of the details have been altered. In this novel he is unmarried and an only child, rather than a married man and one of thirteen children, and enlists at the last moment in order to prove to his girlfriend that he is a Patriot, even though his heart is neutral to the cause of the Revolution. Roger Wallingford goes to sea with John Paul Jones as did the real Samuel Wallingford, but once the attack on Whitehaven begins the fact and the fiction diverge dramatically. Roger Wallingford is captured on shore in Whitehaven and sent to prison for a long period in England, so is obviously not on board ship to be killed in the battle with the Drake. He is also betrayed by an enemy on the crew and his shipmates are led to believe that he was the one who warned the populace of Whitehaven so believe him to be a traitor. When word of this gets back to New Hampshire his mother is driven from home and escapes to England. A happy ending eventually ensues. An enjoyable story, but very far from the truth.
Marie Donahue of South Berwick, in her introduction to the book, states that the real Samuel Wallingford "was a Tory whose wife, Lydia Baker of Dover, had at first declined to marry him for this reason and had challenged him to go to sea."(1192) Given Samuel's extensive service during the Revolutionary War prior to his sailing with Jones, it is quite obvious he wasn't a Tory. The novelist Jewett made this up to make it a more interesting story. While she was researching her book she relied on the research of Augustus Buell, who in 1900, one year before The Tory Lover came out, published a biography of John Paul Jones titled Paul Jones, Founder of the American Navy. Buell's work has been found by subsequent Jones biographers to be full of errors and even fabricated documents. After The Tory Lover was published Buell wrote to Jewett, furnishing her with documents concerning Samuel Wallingford (whom he calls Richard Wallingford) that purported to prove that Wallingford was indeed the Tory that Jewett had imagined in her novel. It seems certain that these documents were simply more of Buell's fabrications.
Jewett, in a letter written not long after receiving Buell's documents, wrote her friend "I wish to tell you one thing, dear, that I knew Lieutenant Wallingford was killed, none better, but how could I write about him unless I kept him alive? -- There is something so strange now, that I can hardly believe it myself. I thought about him and his house and the members of the family whom I have known, and made him a Tory and had Mary W. -- challenge him to his duty, all out of my own imagination; and on Saturday I got a package of notes from Mr. Buell in which it is proved that Wallingford was a Tory and his lady love declined to marry him for that reason; at last he took her challenge and went to sea. He confessed to Paul Jones that he had come for a lady's sake and not from his principles. Part of this is told almost in my words of the story, as you shall see. Now how could I have guessed, at his character, and what was likely to happen, and better? Imagination is the only true thing in the world!"(1193)
Buell began this correspondence shortly after reading the beginning of The Tory Lover when it was first published serially in The Atlantic Monthly. On October 27, 1900, he wrote to her (in part): "Your introduction of "Roger Wallingford" to your readers is finely dramatic, and it would be a pity to spoil such a charming -- nay even thrilling -- romance, for the sake of commonplace history. As a matter of fact I am sure that Wallingford had made one cruise in the West Indies, with Nicholas Biddle during the winter 1775-76 and that Jones had with him in the Providence during the summer of 1776 a man named Richard Wallingford, hailing from Philadelphia -- at that time anyhow -- whatever may have been his proper port of hail. The records I have are, of course, meager, but there is nothing in any of the extant records of his shipmates or contemporaries -- so far as I have had opportunity of seeing them -- to indicate the Wallingford of the Ranger was a Tory at heart. He may have been inclined that way in the fall of 1775, and such a dramatic incident as you portray may have occurred then. But from any records that are extant the conclusion must be drawn that the man whose name has been officially handed down to us as "Richard Wallingford" junior lieutenant of the Ranger, had already seen at least a year and a half of good service in our infant navy when he sailed from Portsmouth with Paul Jones on what proved to be his last cruise. I could not get access to all my references on this score without going to the National Library at Washington. But to the best of my recollection, Wallingford's first appearance in the Continental Navy was in the fall of 1775, as a volunteer in a small ship commanded by Captain Abraham Whipple, sailing from either Portsmouth or Newburyport, that early in 1776 -- say the end of January -- having put into the Delaware, he was transferred to the Andrea Doria, under Nicholas Biddle; from which ship he went to the Alfred when the squadron returned to Newport in the Spring; and thence, with others, from that ship to the Providence when the Alfred's crew was broken up. The only alternative theory is that there were two Wallingfords -- though there is no doubt that the Ranger's Wallingford of history came from the region of Portsmouth, N.H."
Four days later Buell wrote to Jewett again, changing his tune: "After writing my last letter to you it occurred to me that, in the earlier stages of research anent Paul Jones, I had made a cursory study of Wallingford and had prepared a summary thereof, to be used as a footnote. However, in casting the book, both limitations of space and tenor of the work secured to dictate its exclusion. The fact is that, having laid behind me Paul Jones and all his belongings after Scribners undertook to print it; and being currently absorbed in my daily avocation of "hardworking mechanic" at Cramp's Shipyard, I had temporarily forgotten this incident. But, on second thought, recalling the Wallingford affairs I made a new search of my "rejected mss." and at last found it. I find great pleasure in sending to you a typewritten copy of it. It at least traverses the statement of my former letter that there was no record of Toryism on Wallingford's part. I send it to you by way of the honorable, and also to assure you that, in your pretty conception of a romantic theme, you have come nearer the truth of history than is common in that class of literature."(1194)
So apparently Wallingford's "Tory" leanings had their beginnings in the imagination of the novelist Jewett, but were subsequently "comfirmed" by a dishonest historian, causing the novelist to believe she had quite accidentally gotten it right after all. It is unfortunate that Marie Donahue, in her introduction to the 1975 reprinting of the book for the Old Berwick Historical Society, believed that Wallingford was indeed a Tory. Having died in the service of his country he deserves proper recognition for his loyalties. Samuel received property from the estate of his father in the three divisions of the estate made on 10 September 1772, 10 October 1772 (Maine lands), and 8 December 1779. First he received about 124 acres in Somersworth next to his brother Ebenezer's lot. Also a lot of land in Portsmouth.(1195) In Maine he got about 29 acres from the Great Farm in Berwick, and 100 acres in Berwick Commons above Little River, called Lot 1, 3rd Range, and 14 acres in Berwick.(1196) After his death his heirs received, in the 1779 division, 1/13 of a 2nd division lot in Middleton, and a 2nd division lot in Wakefield. Also 213 acres in New Durham Gore, being lot number 6 in a drawn lot plan attached to the record of the division.(1197)
Administration of his estate was granted to his widow Lydia on 10 February 1779.(1198) He was called "Captain" Wallingford of Somersworth when the inventory of his estate was taken on 20 November 1787. It gives his date of death as 24 April 1778 and includes "Cash brot home from sea as prize money" totalling 21 pounds. Also a farm in Somersworth of 110 acres with house and barn, 29 acres in Berwick, 100 acres in Berwick Common, 14 acres in Berwick, 6 acres in Berwick, 230 acres in lot number 6 in New Durham Gore (Alton), 216 acres in lot number 7 in New Durham Gore, 500 acres in lot number 36 in Ossipee Gore, a 2nd division lot in Middleton, and a 2nd division lot in Wakefield.(1199) Lot number 7 in New Durham Gore described above was the lot originally granted to his sister Rachel Nowell in 1779.(1200)
At some point after her marriage, "Lydia Wallingford alias Cogswell", with the help of her husband Amos, petitioned the Legislature for her husband's back pay. She briefly described her late husband's service and death in battle and mentions that "by a Resolve of Congress" the widows of officers who were slain in battle are entitled to half pay for seven years. There was no date on this petition and nothing is known at present as to whether or not it was granted.(1201) In Amos Cogswell's 1820 pension papers is the following note from Amos himself. Referring ot his wife he writes, "According to the several acts of Congress, she was entitled to about $1,000 for the prisoners and guns so taken [during the battle in which her first husband was killed], but she could never obtain anything. She is now in years, every infirm, of the same complaint as my own [rheumatism]. She thinks she ought to draw a stipend from Government for one or the other of her husbands."(1202)
Samuel Wallingford and Lydia Baker had the following child:
+ 242 i. George Washington5 Wallingford was born 19 February 1776.