Edward Darnall Arvin
Part
1 – The War for
Here
the manly fortitude of the troops of the
Line
was very great…for which their praise should never
be forgotten. —Sergeant-Major
William
A Journal of the Southern Expedition
We fight, get beat, rise and fight again.
—Major General Nathanael Greene
Edward Darnall Arvin was born in the
Edward Darnall Arvin was one of the middle
children, the fourth son, in a typically large colonial family. We have no
record of his sisters’ names, but we know the names of some of his brothers.
The oldest was Elias, born sometime between mid 1751 and mid 1752. Next was
Elisha, born sometime between mid 1753 and mid 1754. The third son, Thomas, Jr.,
was probably born in 1755. Edward, as stated, was born in 1757. We know there
was a younger brother Joshua, probably born about 1758 or 1759. And there may
have been other brothers as well, although
written records are scarce and inconclusive.
The Arvin
family ran a small tobacco farm of the sort that was common in
Economic times were reasonably good when
Edward was very young, but in 1763 at the conclusion of the Seven Years’ War (which
was called the French and Indian War in
The Arvin’s had been forced to move back
to Zachia Manor, where they had lived before Edward was born, and to relocate
back to their old homestead. One of Sarah’s brothers, Thomas Darnall and his
wife (also named Sarah), had helped them get settled back in Zachia. Thomas and
Sarah Darnall’s family was also large; they had eight children: John, Elizabeth,
Samuel, Isaac, James, Thomas, Mary and Nancy. The two families probably
operated their two tenements, with almost 250 acres of land, as a sort of
commune.
Edward grew from a young boy to a young
man in Zachia Manor on the tenements of his parents and his aunt and uncle. And
as he grew older, the colony of
Edward’s parents, along with his aunt
Sarah Darnall and his uncle Thomas Darnall (and most all the planters in
Edward’s oldest brother Elias had married and
moved from the family farm north and west to
The American
Revolution
Differences grew more and more irreconcilable
between
Edward was
just 18 years old when British
troops in
In December 1775, the Maryland Convention
again met in
As Edward
turned 19 years old, a rage militaire or
“passion for arms,” was sweeping the colony. Patriotism burned strong. The Maryland
Convention passed Resolves which enlarged the size of the Maryland Battalion
from eight to nineteen companies and elected officers for it. Pay scales were
set up. A colonel was to be paid $50 per month plus $30 for expenses,
lieutenant-colonel $40 plus $20, etc. Privates were to be paid $5½. A ration was
also established; it consisted of one pound of beef, or three quarters pound of
pork, one pound of floor or bread per man per day, three pints of peas, or
other vegetables; one quart of Indian meal per week; a gill of rum, per man per
day; candles for guards; twenty-four pounds of soft soap, or eight pounds of
hard soap for one hundred men per week. Uniforms to be hunting-shirts, marines
in blue, land forces other colors. These land forces were to be stationed
throughout the province, with one-half a company in
Meanwhile in Massachusetts Bay, British
troops, under siege by the American forces, evacuated
The Rage Militaire
The Continental Congress began developing
plans for a “Flying Camp,” a sixteenth century term for a body of armed men
available for quick movement. It was to consist of 10,000 militia and state
troops from
Edward tells us later that he “enlisted on April 10th 1776.” But he was not called to active duty over the next three years. He probably remained subject to militia
service in
He was born in
The applicant cannot now specify all the particular periods of his
service on the
He could, in fact safely say that he was in the service well on to three
years. Sometimes he was out a week. Sometimes two weeks & sometimes 3 or 4,
not being allowed to stay at home sometimes not more than a day or two & he
cannot now remember that he was ever permitted, during the time, to stay at
home for the space of one whole week, so that it may be said in fact that he
was on service all the time, never being permitted to stay at home long enough
to work a crop or do anything for himself.
He does not remember having
received a written discharge at any time. If he did it is now lost….
7
We can imagine that Edward’s time was
spent in a similar way, split between sporadic militia duty and tending to
chores at home.
“Immediately upon his arrival, Colonel
Smallwood reported to congress for orders, and on the 17th, President Hancock
directed him to march his regiment as soon as possible to New York and report
to General Washington….upwards of one thousand troops from Maryland…were now on
their way to join the flying camp at [Elizabeth
Town] New Jersey….The British army…now amounted to twenty-seven thousand
men….To meet the force of the enemy, General Washington had at his disposal
17,225 men….these undisciplined troops were extended over a line of
defense…more than seventeen miles in length….the Council of Safety sent forward during the next fortnight
the entire state quota of troops.” The Council of Safety wrote in a letter,
“…we are sending all that we have that can be armed and equipped…”9
Smallwood’s Battalion, known also as
“Smallwood’s Marylanders,” was attached to the brigade of Major General William
Alexander, Lord Stirling, and took part in the disastrous Battle of Long Island on
27 August 1776. They were used as both and advance and a covering party, which
exposed them to extraordinary danger and hazard. A shocking total of 256 men were
reported killed wounded or missing, with many prisoners taken. Reports on
developments in the war were printed in The
On
16 September both the Flying Camp and Smallwood’s Marylanders took part in the
Battle of Harlem Heights. And later, The Maryland
Gazette printed a letter from
Things went from bad to worse for the
Continental Army. In November, both the Flying Camp and Smallwood’s Marylanders
took part in the costly American surrenders of
…That
he was born in Charles County Maryland, that in the said county in the year
1776, on the 1st day of June of that
year, he joined a company of volunteers raised at Port Tobacco, in the said
county, commanded by Capt Thomas Harrison….He states that he belonged as he now
recollects to that class of soldiers called the Flying Camp, the company
turned out for six months. When he first turned out the company to which he
belonged was called down on the Potomac to help guard the coast, as Lord
Dunmoor was then on the Potomac….after being on the Potomac a short time the
company to which he belonged was ordered
to join the main army under Washington at York Island we joined the main army
on the last of August or first of September a few days after the Americans had
been defeated at Long Island….When we left the Potomac, for the main army, we
passed through Annapolis, then on to the head of Elk, then to Wilmington, then
to Philadelphia, then on to Trenton, then to Princeton where the College was
then to Brunswick, then to Perth Amboy, then to Elizabeth Town & then to
York Island…then the British surrounded us and we escp off in the night, got
clear marched all night & and at break of day joined Washington again at
White Plains, two days after our arrival there the British & our men under
Genl Smallwood had an engagement….Gen Smallwood had…moved through the country
to the Scotch Pines, then in between Brunswick & Princeton…
he was discharged on the last of
December he states that he got no written discharge but was with others turned
out …(?)… and by the officers turn term having expired, he hence states that it
took him twenty three days to get home. we had hard times getting home. as we
got nothing for our service, and had sometimes to starve….
11
By late December, 1776, the
situation became more desperate 
for the cause of liberty. The Continental Army
stood on the brink of disintegrating. Colonists began thinking that perhaps
independence was really not in the cards for
Another Charles county resident, Charles
Rigg, tells of his enlistment. Here is some of the narrative from the pension
application. Rigg stated:
…that he enlisted in the army of the
March (or about that day) in the year
1777 – at Port Tobacco in
Charles County, Maryland, for the Term of Three years into
Capt. Starret’s Company, in
the Reg’t Commanded by Colo
Stone of
went immediately into service, marched from Port Tobacco to an-
napolis where he was inoculated for the Small Pox. As soon as
the company recovered from the small
pox, marched to
He served but one term of enlistment. Resided on the
Charles County Maryland, when he enlisted & served for years
afterward.
The following officers he recollects – Genl Smallwood of Port Tobacco –
Colo Johnny Stone of same
place….
13
An American Continental Army
was still a new concept in these years, and still in its formative stages.
“After about 1777 one usually finds infantry regiments of the Continental Army
referred to as the Continental Line, thus implying these regiments would form a
line of battle in defense of the thirteen rebel colonies of the continent. This
is what is normally meant by the term Continental Line. The states’ contingents
of infantry which would comprise this line were often referred to individually
as the Massachusetts Line or the North Carolina Line, etc.”14 So it was at
this time that “The Maryland Line” came into being, with Brigadier General
William Smallwood its commander.
Colonel Francis Ware Sr.
resigned on 18 February 1777, and Lt. Col. John Hoskins Stone was promoted to
Colonel and given command of the 1st Regiment. Young Samuel McPherson was also
in this regiment. He had begun his career as a cadet in 1776, and had advanced
through the ranks to ensign, 2nd Lieutenant, and 1st Lieutenant through 1777.
He became a Captain Lieutenant in 1780.15
The Census of 1778
Edward is shown on the
“Census” of 1778, which was actually an attempt to find out who had not signed
an Oath of Allegiance to the new State of
The Arvin clan is shown living in Zachiah
Manor, still on land that Thomas
Arvin, Sr. and Thomas Darnall, Sr. had farmed for decades. In the “Port Tobacco
East Hundred” are listed Thomas Arvin Sr., his third son Thomas Arvin Jr.,
his fourth son Edward Arvin and Joseph Arvin, which was perhaps a misspelling of the name of his fifth son, Joshua Arvin. All were described
as “eighteen years old and upward.” (First son Elias Arvin and second son Elisha
Arvin had moved to
Enlistment
Most of
That
summer, Edward, now twenty-three years old and unmarried, made a fateful
decision. He decided the time had come for him to join the Maryland Line of the
Continental Army. He enlisted with the young Samuel McPherson mentioned earlier,
and “swore in” under John Hoskins Stone. These officers were assigned to the
First Company of Smallwood’s Battalion of regular troops,17 but at this time
were “on command,” that is, detailed to
“Recruiting for the Maryland Line
began in winter or early spring, when officers returned to the state, often to
their home counties, seeking soldiers for the upcoming campaign….each
recruiter, it was expected, would enroll only eight or ten men. These
small-scale operations eased civilians’ transition to military life. They
frequently remained near home for a while to be outfitted, inoculated against
smallpox, and at least minimally trained before marching off to camp. Beginning
in 1777, recruiting became a remarkably tedious annual ritual in
The recruiting party was stocked with
plenty of fast-depreciating Continental currency with which to cover its
recruiting expenses. On Tuesday, 1 June 1779, the Council of Maryland, “Ordered
that the western shore Treasurer pay to Capt James Fernandes four thousand Dollars,
two thousand to be delivered over Lieut William Bruce of the Ist Regimt and two thousand to be delivered over to Lieut
Samuel McPherson of the same Regimt
to be expended in the recruiting Service.”19 The recruiting burden fell hard
on
The Commander of the 1st Maryland
Regiment, Colonel John Hoskins Stone himself, headed 
up this recruiting party in
The
bounty at this time included twenty dollars in Continental money and a grant of
100 acres of land in the Territory of Ohio from the Continental Congress, and
in addition from Maryland forty dollars Continental, a fifty-acre tract of
land, clothing (a regimental uniform, including a pair of shoes and stockings),
plus an exemption “from all taxes during the time of their being on duty, and
for the space of four years after they are regularly discharged.” Edward would
therefore become the first in his family to actually become a land owner—at
least potentially so—and thereby also a voter. All he had to do was to serve
his country and survive for the “duration of war.” (Because of burgeoning
inflation, the Continental bounty had to be increased to $250 the next year.
“Small as was the compensation of the average soldier, inflation rendered this
pittance more insignificant than ever.”)21
Why did Edward enlist? Patriotism certainly played a part. And there was always pressure from the society in which he lived to volunteer. The militia had to supply men for the Continental Army. If there were not enough volunteers to meet a district's quota, a draft might be levied on it. Bounties to volunteers were helpful, and poverty was certainly a factor. “…whereas the
army initially attracted a broad spectrum of freeman, including substantial
property holders, its ranks were soon filled with economically marginal men…. It
is not hard to imagine the members of [the
militia], aware that they must either furnish a soldier or be subject to
the draft, offering enough incentives to persuade a poor man to agree to any
service…. By 1778, therefore, Charles County was sending it most available men,
those who did not own plantations. Still…they were not necessarily marginal
individuals with few ties to the community…. Some likely were younger sons who
had not yet established themselves independently….” Consider that Edward was twenty-two years old, unmarried and
living at home with his parents. He had not made his own mark in the world yet. To him, the Continental Army might well prove an honorable vocation.
“Why was recruiting so difficult?
Patriotic enthusiasm certainly waned as tales of combat and the hardships of
camp life—filth, disease, exposure to weather, inadequate supplies, and
homesickness—drifted back from the army. But more was involved. Indeed, people
needed to look no further than
The Council of Safety (Maryland’s de-facto executive body) reported to His
Excellency General Washington on 9 July 1779 that, “We have not been altogether
without Success, tho’ it is much short of our Wishes….There have been some few
Applications to us for Appointments in the Maryland Line, such as from
Recommendations we were satisfied would do Credit to it, we have gratified.”23
It is easy to imagine that this small
group of volunteers, along with substitutes and militia class draftees (who
were serving short terms on active duty) gathered together at Port Tobacco.
Edward’s entire family may have walked with him to the gathering point,
probably the town square, as did other soldiers’ families. From there, they said
their tearful brave goodbyes and were marched, perhaps by Col. Stone and Lt.
McPherson and/or other officers returning from furlough, to
Recruits were also being assembled in
“During the war, 
example, the governor and council issued an order directing all persons who had
enlisted in the service of the state and not joined any regiment or corps to
report immediately to
The military hospital, one of two in the state,
was at that time operated by Dr. Richard Tootell, Surgeon’s Mate, in a rented
house in town. He pleaded for donations of supplies in The Maryland Gazette, weekly from August 1776 through November 1776:
and country, are earnestly requested to lend all
the old sheets, and other old linen, they
can conveniently spare, to Dr. Richard Tootell. Their donations will be
received (with
thanks) either at
the doctor’s own house or at the military
hospital shop, on the
State-house hill, where the
free-school was formerly kept. Bees and myrtle wax, sassafras,
sepeta and
black snake-roots, tormentil and calamus, are purchased. Likewise country
sarsaparilla, if clean, split and well cured.
Dog-wood berries, which must be gathered ripe
and cured in the shade; when dried, if found
they will appear of a dark red, if black they
are faulty and will not answer the
purpose. R. TOOTELL, S.M.”
The rented house was “owned by the
merchant James Williams, but residents were not pleased at having the sick so
near. In 1780, the hospital was moved to the poorhouse a mile outside of the
town limits on the road to
Inoculation
As
for the smallpox treatment itself, inoculation was still in general use. “It was not until
the very early nineteenth century that Dr. Edward Jenner’s method of preventing
smallpox by vaccination with the cowpox virus became popular…” “The method of
inoculation most commonly used in the colonies at this time…required a two-week
preparation period…during which the patient was put on a diet of light
and nonstimulating foods, dosed with mercury and antimony, bled, and purged.
The inoculation itself was done by means of puncture rather than incision, as
had been customary earlier, and on the leg, so that it would be as far as
possible from the head and other vital areas. The patients were put on a ‘cooling
regimen,’ exposed to cool air, and permitted to drink cool water while
suffering from the disease which, acquired in this manner, was reputed to have
become ‘an innocent disease’ with the death rate of one in 1,000, compared to a
rate of one in ten for smallpox caught by unintentional exposure. Nevertheless…the
Director General of the Army Medical Department, wrote in 1772 of his concern
that the mercury given during the smallpox inoculation process could lead to
other diseases once the patient had recovered from the smallpox itself.”29
“Yet
another generalized remedy of recent origin was mercury, used earlier against
venereal disease and as a purgative, but now also used as an alternative to
treat many diseases, often in the form of calomel or the reputedly better
tasting but more nauseating corrosive sublimate. Its new popularity was, an
American physician boasted, ‘in its origin exclusively American, and …to our
colonial physicians the world is indebted for one of the greatest improvements
ever made in medicine.’ Mercury was increasingly prescribed after 1750 for
diseases classified as inflammatory, particularly pleurisy, pneumonia, and
rheumatism, but it was also eventually used for typhus, yellow fever,
dysentery, smallpox, tuberculosis, dropsy, hydrocephalus, and diseases of the liver….
‘[It was thought to] set up an
artificial illness, transferring diseases of the head, eyes, and of the bowels
to the mouth, where they are less dangerous and more manageable,’ in line with
the principle put forward…that ‘no two fevers can exist in the same
constitution, nor two local diseases in the same part at the same time.’ Others
accounted for the action of mercury by its weight, saying that mercury
compounds expelled ‘morbid matter’ from the digestive system and cleared out
the glands, particularly the salivaries, and the blood vessels, promoting
better circulation and eliminating disease.
“It is not likely that
there were any physicians at the time unaware of the unpleasant side effects of
mercury, since even laymen could recognize them and physicians were at times
forced to order smaller than usual doses lest the patient realize what he was
receiving and refuse to take it. Diarrhea, bleeding gums, nosebleeds, and
loosening of the teeth were among the consequences the American physician John Warren
described as ‘frequently troublesome and at times alarming.’”30
Departure
for Camp
Despite the primitive
state of healthcare in
The trousers and jackets were made from
striped linen, the shirts from white linen, and the coatees from brown linen at
this time.32 In the early years of the war, brown was the official color for
Continental uniforms, having been adopted by the Continental Congress on 4
November 1775 after consultation with the Commander-in-Chief and the 
as the color of the coatee
for all branches of the service, the small clothes (vest, breeches or overalls,
and shirt) to be white and for all state regiments of Continental Line, with
distinctive differences in the linings and facings.
Colonel Stone wrote to Governor Thomas
Johnson asking for his help in clothing and getting the new recruits to camp
(which was at that time located in The Highlands of New York State, along the
Hudson River):
Port
Tobacco July 3rd 1779
May it please your Excellency
I have this day
ordered a party
of the recruits from
this place
to march for
and from thence by the most
convenient route to Camp.
I shall be much
obliged by your ordering them to
be conveyed to the
head of Elk [
by water from thence
they may
march to Christiana and be [Christina Bridge, DE ]
convey’d to Trent Town by a water [
carriage and by this route they
will miss both Balto
& Phila at
both of these
places they are likely
to be enticed
to desert. You will ob-
-serve by the
list which will be presented
by the serjt
the quantity and kinds
of Cloathing
they want and I shall be much
obliged if you
would be so kind to order
them to be furnished. We are un-
-fortunate in having several of our
men sick &
unable to march. The
recruiting business is nearly at an end
in Charles. I am you Excellencys
Most
Wship
J H
Stone
36
Later records show Edward as enlisted for
pay purposes on 11 July 1779.37 Camp returns (here's one from later in the war) show eighty-four men were
listed as “joined, enlisted, recruited” for the 
of the 1st Maryland Regiment.
(Desertion was still a problem even here. Stone’s regiment alone suffered nine
desertions in these two months. This was not an unusually high number.) The
return for July 1779 shows the 1st Regiment had a total headcount of 335, but
only 272 were “fit for duty” at this time. Four regiments made up the First
Brigade, totaling 1434 men, under the command of Brigadier General William
Smallwood. (A Second Brigade was under the command of Brigadier General Mordecai
Gist.)
The two brigades, comprising an army division
of 2550 soldiers, were under command of Major General Johann Kalb, a large-framed, robust Bavarian who
passed himself off as “Baron
The Maryland Division was part of a middle
encampment, near the Buttermilk Falls,
(now Highland Falls) on the west side of the
It was mid-summer in the
Yesterday I made the most wearisome trip
of my life, visiting the posts and pickets of the army in the
solitudes, woods and mountains,
clambering over the rocks, and picking my way in the most abominable
roads. My horse having fallen lame,
I had to make the whole distance on foot. I never suffered more from
the heat. On my return I had not a
dry rag on me, and was so tired I could not sleep.40
In Company of Brave Men
Despite the hot weather, Edward and the
other recruits quickly settled in to the camp routine. But just about the time
of Edward’s arrival, that routine was disrupted by news that the Americans had
accomplished a glorious victory just to the south at
place of the
1779, 1350 American light infantry assaulted
this post. The British garrison was captured. Along with valuable
stores and artillery, in the War of
Revolution, the capture of
achievement….
[Commander-in-Chief of The British Army in
northern campaign of 1779 in
late May by threatening the Hudson Highlands. The British massed some 6,000
men on 70 vessels and 150
flat-bottomed boats and moved north up the Hudson to take control of King’s
Ferry….this force easily chased off the
Americans at Stony Point….forcing American dispatch riders and supply
convoys to use more northerly crossing
involving detours of more than 30 miles.
A major goal of
hills to open ground, which was thought to be
more advantageous arena for the British….As
the
In order to protect the vital
Highlands,
approximately 12 miles north of
the war effort. The British garrison at Stony
Point was an ‘affront’ to the Americans, but
considered the position too strong
to attack. But he was soon to change his mind….
enlistment started on 11 July
1779.] …
vanguards were to use only the
bayonet. Midnight was the time suggested…The men were to wear white
feathers or cockades in their hats as a
distinguishing mark. Secrecy was essential.
to the commander-in-chief early in the morning
of July 15….Washington immediately gave
permission….
A ‘forlorn hope’ detachment (i.e. soldiers
with a particularly difficult mission) of 20 volunteers and one
officer, armed with axes, preceded each
column….The men were also told of
$400, $300, $200 and $100 for the first five
men into the British post….
Just after midnight on the
moonless, pitch black night of July 16,
crossed from the mainland to
danger….the general alarm sounded in
the British camp.
Ignoring the British musketry and
artillery fire, the Americans raced through the water, along the beach and
then around the end of the first
line of abatis [tree branches laid out to
slow troop advances]. At the second
abatis,
non-lethal two inch gash and
momentarily stunned the general. But he was helped up by his aides...shook off
the
effects of the wound, and resumed
his place in directing the attack…
Men from
were not fully enclosed, and
the Americans easily rushed through the gaps….Confusion reigned throughout the
British lines.
Lt. Col. Fleury was the first
American into the fort, tearing down the British flag as he arrived. Fleury was
followed closely by Lt. George Knox of
the forlorn hope, Sergeant Baker of
times, Sergeant Spencer of
bounties
The Americans repeatedly shouted,
“The fort’s our own!” at the top of their lungs as they raced through the
fort. In the uproar, the British were unable
to form an effective defense….soon the British were crying for
quarter. Within 30 minutes the action at
had taken the British strong point.
The rules of warfare permitted the
slaughter of any soldiers taken in a night attack. With restraint and
discipline, the Americans light
infantry granted quarter. The British reported 20 killed, 74 wounded, 58
missing,
and 472 captured. The Americans
losses were placed at 15 killed and 83 wounded. Along with military stores
and supplies, the Americans captured
15 artillery pieces….British prisoners were marched off to
The principal result of this
successful night bayonet assault was the uplifting of American morale.
was voted a Gold Medal by Congress. Fleury and
Stewart were awarded silver medals. The $500 Fleury won for
being
the first to enter the British fort was distributed to the men in his advanced guard.
The value of the
captured military stores and
ordnance was put at $158,640. This sum was divided up among the 1350 officers
and men who had made the attack.
The action brought praise for Wayne
and his infantry. There had been no atrocities. Quarter had been granted.
It was a thoroughly professional exercise,
worthy of troops of the highest caliber. The Americans had displayed
bravery. American intelligence was
superior. Security had been maintained. Coordination of the two attacking
columns was outstanding, even in the dark and
under difficult conditions. The speed, skill, and daring of the
light infantry’s assault directly contributed
to their success…
The disaster at Stony Point ended
any future campaign plans
1779. From the British base in
Carolinas and
Colonel Stone was severely wounded in this
engagement and was forced to resign his commission, effective the first of August.
He again returned to
On the night of 18 August an equally
daring night assault was made on Paulus Hook, led by a young Major named Henry Lee (shown here.)
The twenty-three year old was known as “Light Horse Harry.” Inspired by
Congress once again resolved to issue a
gold medal, this time to Major Lee for his heroics at Paulus Hook, the last
stronghold of the British in
Winter
Quarters at 
The spectacular
The Commander in Chief came to the
realization that after assisting in an unsuccessful siege of
Two
years of below average rainfall and a dry autumn had kept crop yields low and made
milling difficult, which had resulted in a critical shortage of grain throughout
the
Edward arrived, frozen and famished. “The 
seems to have been the first of the
“Even
as the troops had begun their march to
‘November
25…The roads very bad & the weather cold…
‘November
26…about 11 o’clock it began to snow & continued all day, at night it
cleared up very cold…
‘December
1…very severe storm…
‘December
5…Snow all day and the weather cold…
‘December
6…the snow knee deep & the weather very cold.’ The weather continued
generally bad throughout December and into January. There were seven snowstorms
in December alone. On January 3, Surgeon [James]
Thacher noted in his diary, ‘experienced one of the most tremendous snow-storms
ever remembered; no man could endure its violence many minutes without danger
to his life.’ Lieutenant John Barr noted in his diary on January 7, ‘the storm
continues from N.W. Saturday 8th
excessive Cold and wind from the N.W.’ Again on January 10, Gen. Washington
noted that ‘the snow set in pretty briskly…the soldiers are so enfeebled from
hunger and cold, as to be almost unable to perform their military duty or labor
in constructing their huts.’”46
The first order of business, of course, had
to be housing. 
“The
enlisted men’s huts apparently measured sixteen feet in front and back and
fourteen feet on either side. Bunks for up to twelve men were placed on the
interior walls, except where the fireplace and chimney stood. In addition to a
front door, each hut was supposed to have a window, but the intense cold
encouraged many soldiers to postpone making windows. Behind the enlisted men’s
quarters in each brigade camp sat the officers’ huts, which varied in design
and generally held from two to four men each.48 Trees had to be felled and
logs cut. “Although most of the troops began cutting logs early in December, it
would not be until the end of the month that the bulk of the enlisted men would
be hutted. Almost the whole of December the men slept ‘on the frozen ground’ in
tents. Some of the men, at first, did not even have tents to shelter them.”48
“
During this long and severe storm, Surgeon
Thacher…said, ‘the sufferings of the poor soldiers can scarcely be described,
while on duty they are unavoidably exposed to all the inclemency of the storms
and severe cold; at night they now have a bed of straw on the ground, and a
single blanket each man; they are badly clad, and some are destitute of shoes….We
have contrived a kind of stone chimney outside, and an opening at one end of
our tents gives us the benefit of the fire within. The snow is now from four to
six feet deep, which so obstructs the roads as to prevent our receiving a
supply of provisions…”49
They were finally out of the weather into
their huts, but there was no relief from the hardships faced by soldiers and
officers alike. Because the snow had drifted and piled up on the roads, supply
wagons could not get to
Things were so desperate that on December
16,
The situation of the army with
respect to supplies is beyond description alarming. It has been five or six
weeks past on half allowance, and
we have not more than three days bread at a third allowance on hand,
nor any where within reach. When
this is exhausted, we must depend on the precarious gleanings of the
neighbouring country. Our magazines
are absolutely empty everywhere, and our commissaries entirely
destitute of money or credit to
replenish them. We have never experienced a like extremity at any period
of the war….Unless some
extraordinary and immediate exertions are made by the States…there is every
appearance that the army will
infallibly disband in a fortnight….52
By December 23, things had reached the
tipping point. “Forty-eight hours before Christmas,
Still there were not enough supply wagons
arriving to bring relief from 
starvation to the camp. “
“Notwithstanding the hardships that
General Washington and his army were experiencing at 
to get back to visit them. Edward
celebrated his twenty-third birthday at
“The enlistedmen had few amusements, save
an occasional public celebration, such as St. Patrick’s Day, when a
The State of
The Southern Campaign
Even as the Continental army struggled to
survive in the North,
“Since British forces were moving
from
“On 18 March, the Maryland Line received a
large stock of clothing from the Clothier General of
Also on 4 April 1780, General
“The regiments that
Edward and the Maryland First Brigade
left immediately, with the Second Brigade ready to follow soon thereafter. “After reaching 
during the spring of 1780. The buttons were to
have the letter “M” and a regimental number (1-7) on them.”62 The transport ships
continued down Chesapeake Bay and then up the
General 
But the gallant de Kalb would never see his friend again. His troops were already under way on a 500-mile
march through a hot, disagreeable region already plundered of anything useful
to them. “I think my troops will have much to suffer….the fate of
Edward was paid $50.00 at
“Although troops began arriving in
“Wagons, absolutely essential to an army
on the march, had been promised to
They were headed towards Hillsborough and
This of course in no way changed the
army’s living conditions, which were as miserable as ever.
Here I am at last, considerably south, suffering from
the intolerable heat, the worst of quarters, and the
most
voracious of insects of every hue and form. The most disagreeable of the latter
is what is commonly
called a tick, a kind of strong black flea
which makes its way under the skin, and by its bite produces the
most painful irritation and inflammation,
which lasts a number of days. My whole body is covered with
these stings. I
do not know yet whether the strength and movements of the enemy, and the
difficulty of
feeding my little army will permit me to
advance two hundred miles further to the borders of this state….Of
the violence of thunderstorms in this part of
the world Europeans cannot form any idea.70
“The two brigades united 27 June 1780 at
Since giving you some account of
myself at
much heat, and overcome
difficulties, but I am still far from the end. It is even possible that after
reaching
the goal assigned myself, I shall be compelled
to retreat without striking a blow, for want of provisions.72
“The State of
…the case of a well-to-do farmer who
met the soldiers and begged that for God’s sake they would not ruin
him, for he had a large family of children to
maintain. The soldiers replied that it would never do for them, as
fighters for their country, to starve. The man
heaved a deep sign without saying a word. His young corn, which
seemed to cover about fifty acres,
was just in the prime roasting ear stage and he had also a couple of beautiful
orchards of peach and apple trees, loaded with
young fruit. Scarcely were our tents pitched, before the whole
army, foot and horse, turned in to destroy.
The trees were all threshed in a thrice; after which the soldiers fell,
like a herd of wild boars, upon the
roasting ears, and the horses upon the blades and stalks. So that by morning
light there was no sign or symptom left that
corn had ever grown there since the creation of the world. What
became of the poor man and his
children God only knows, for by sunrise we were all under marching orders
again heading for the South.73
Congress Makes a Change
After his stunning success in
At the same time, the wheels were turning
in 
Burgoyne was not taken into account; nor
was the fact that the British at
As the “egregiously incompetent” Major
General Gates rode south to assume command, de Kalb wrote to him on July 16
from his camp on the Deep River, “…I have struggled with a good many
difficulties for provisions ever since I arrived in this State; and altho’ I
have put the troops on short allowance for bread, we cannot get even that….no
assistance from the legislature or executive power; and the great unwillingness
of the people to part with anything….no immediate supplies to be depended upon
in the first instance after a difficult march.” Gates replied from Hillsborough
on July 20, expressing his astonishment at
“Gates arrived at
Gates issued his orders, as recorded on 26
July 1780 in Smallwood’s Orderly Book.77 He stunned the army with an order for “The troops to hold themselves in
readiness to march at an Hour’s Warning.” But he assured them that “The Army
may be satisfied that such measures are taken and have for some time been taken
by Congress and the Executive Authority of all the Southern States from
Delaware Inclusive that plenty will soon succeed the late unavoidable scarcity
of Provisions Rum Salt and every
requisite will flow into Camp which shall then with a liberal hand be
distributed to the army…”
“The latter order was a matter of great
astonishment to those who knew the real situation…”
The March South
“The army got under way on July 27.
“The three 
days’ march from Coxe’s mill to
Kimborough had developed numerous matters of discipline highly unsatisfactory
to the commanding general. The loads of overburdened wagons were increased by
many of the foot troops and even the sentinels throwing their guns and
equipment into them; wagons halted for frivolous reasons; the Artillery
stretched along the road, unduly elongating the column; kind-hearted teamsters
added to the burdens of their jaded teams by permitting women camp followers to
ride, ‘sometimes two in one wagon.’ Measures were taken to correct these evils,
and after a rest of two days the march was resumed on the 1st day of August….”79
“….Though the troops were half starved and
almost exhausted, they were forced to march on, doing seventeen or eighteen
miles a day. Being human, they showed their resentment at the General’s
unfulfilled promise. They began to straggle, to steal, to plunder. Even those who
remained in the ranks looked dark and scowling, and a mutiny...was on the point
of breaking out when the officers, mingling with the men, and reasoning with
them, succeeded in silencing the murmurs for which there was, unfortunately,
only too much justification. They showed their empty canteens and haversacks,
and convinced the privates that the sufferings were all equal, exhorted them to
bear up under the hardships of the hour, and promised that if the expected
supplies did not arrive soon, foraging parties would be sent out by every corps
in all directions to collect what little corn might still be stored in the
country, and bring it to the mill….Shortly after…it happened that a little
stock of corn was brought into camp. The mill began to grind.”80
With a little food in the bellies, the
troops had fresh hopes for the future. Not so for the officers, who had at
their own request had been served last. The officers, some of whom resorted to
using their hair powder to thicken their soup, knew “it was useless to complain
to the commanding general, as no one could advise him how to extricate himself
quickly at this stage of his dilemma. Nevertheless he was informed of what took
place in the camp and was aware of the critical stage of feeling among the
troops.”81
On August 6 General Gates rode over to 
Caswell’s camp,
where he was entertained with a sumptuous meal and wine, showing that
That night there was an “ominous presage”
of the disastrous outcome of the Battle of Camden. Colonel Otho Holland Williams
of the Maryland Line, who was Gates’s
adjutant, and Lieutenant Colonel Ford, the officer of the day, made rounds late
at night to test the vigilance of the guard. On the right wing the officers
were met with the kind of readiness which inspires sense of security; but on
the left wing all was silent. The patrolling officers were not once challenged,
rode by the guards without being stopped and found their way unobstructed even
to the tents of the generals and staff officers, some of whom “complained of
their unnecessary disturbance at an hour so unusual among gentlemen.” Williams
was amazed at the tables and chairs and bedsteads and other domestic
furnishings which were “scattered before the doors in great disorder.”83
“Early the next morning before the break
of dawn the ‘General’ was sounded, followed by the ‘March,’ as soon as the
troops were paraded. The Army moved off by the left, which put the North
Carolina Militia in the lead….
“With the near approach of the enemy it
was again necessary for General Gates to endeavor to rid his column of excess
baggage, both animate and inanimate. The Army was still encumbered with an
enormous train of heavy baggage, a multitude of women, and not a few children.
An escort was therefore arranged…to convoy a wagon
train to Charlotte Town. All the sick and the heavy baggage were
sent to the rear and as many of the women as could be driven from the line. Many
of the latter, however, preferred to share every toil and danger with the
soldiers to accepting the security and provisions promised at some rendezvous
in the rear.
“The American Army bivouacked that night
at
Sergeant-Major
William Seymour, of the Second Maryland and Delaware Regiment, like Captain
Kirkwood, kept a journal of the unit’s activities. In it he notes: “We encamped
at Rugeley’s mills on the 13th of August, which the Enemy had abandoned on our approach….Here
came and joined us a vast number of Militia, in number about 3000 men, from
Virginia, North and South Carolina, which seemed to us to be a good omen of
success, but proved to be our utter ruin in the end, for, placing too much
confidence in them, they at length deceived us and left us in the lurch…”
Nevertheless, “so confident was the General, and indeed it was every one's
opinion, that we should drive the enemy, we being far superior to them in
numbers, we having three thousand militia and about thirteen hundred standing
troops, and they not exceeding thirteen hundred here.85
While the American Army camped at
Rugeley’s Mills, there was another decisive development—Lord Cornwallis himself
arrived to take charge of the British forces. “On 9 August 1780 Lord Cornwallis
received a dispatch from Lord Rawdon that Horatio Gates was advancing on Camden
with an army reported to be 5000 strong….He left Charleston the next day and
rode…day and night for Camden and arrived on the evening of 13 August.”86
“Meanwhile, Gates made another foolish
decision…With an enemy of unknown strength somewhere before him, he weakened
his own by sending 100 Maryland Continentals, 300 North Carolina militia, and
two artillery pieces to [South Carolina
militia General Thomas] Sumter” in an attempt to capture a British wagon
train making its way up to
The night of August 15 was hot, humid and
moonless; stars provided the only light. “On [that night], the order for the march for
“Gates read his
orders to his council of war….As soon as the meeting was over, the
officers expressed their shock at the sudden offensive planned by Gates,
seemingly without intelligence to the enemy’s plans or position. All tents were
to be struck at tattoo and the troops ready to march that night at precisely 10
o’clock. The Cavalry of Armand’s legion was to take the advance, supported on
each flank by a column of foot troops marching in Indian file 200 yards from
the road….In rear of the covering force came the advance guard of foot,
composed of advance pickets, then the First Maryland Brigade with its artillery
in front, the Second Maryland Brigade with its artillery in front, the division
of North Carolina Militia, and the division of Virginia Militia. The baggage of
each brigade was in the rear of the brigade. All troops were ordered to observe
the most profound silence on the march—‘and any soldier who offers to fire
without the command of his officer, must be instantly put to death.’”91
“The Battle of Camden is noted for some
very tragic decisions by the American commander, but one of them certainly
borders on the ridiculous. It was customary to serve the troops an allowance of
one gill of rum when they were about to fight the enemy; but no spirits were at
hand. [The General himself had written to
Governor Nash of
By a
remarkable coincidence, Lord Cornwallis—easily the most aggressive general the
British had in
“Slowly and quietly through the warm night
the two armies approached each other. Each commander believed he was about to
gain a decided advantage over his opponent. Cornwallis expected to make a
surprise attack upon the American camp at Rugeley’s at dawn. The head of
Gates’s column, which moved more slowly than did the British, was nearing the
ford over
“Suddenly out of the quiet came a sharp
challenge, an interchange of scattered shots, and then loud huzzas of
challenging troops. The van of both armies came together at 2:30 o’clock in the
morning on the Sutton farm, which was about 8 miles from
The 
“In the first clash
between the two advance parties the wounded in Armand’s legion retreated and
threw the whole corps into confusion. The corps recoiled suddenly against the
front of the column of the Infantry behind, creating disorder in the leading
brigade, the First Maryland, and occasioning a general consternation throughout
the whole extent of the army….Musketry fire was exchanged for nearly a quarter
of a hour, when the two armies, finding themselves opposed to each other,
ceased firing as though by mutual consent to determine upon the next move.
“The prisoners taken by
each side during this scrimmage soon informed their captors of the true
condition of affairs.
Cornwallis was assured by both prisoners and deserters that the whole
of Gates’s army was marching with the
intention of attacking the British at
Here was a true crisis situation, “requiring
the exercise of prompt and heroic qualities of leadership on the part of each commander
were he to save his command from destruction and turn surprise into victory.
Daylight was fast approaching; by half past 4 o’clock the dawn of the coming
day would bring the armies within view of each other. But little more than an
hour was left in which to deploy the troops in battle formation….
“The British soon recovered from the
disorder occasioned by the first alarm, but for a long time the American Army
was gripped by fear….The astonishment of the commanding general upon
learning that the entire British Army was but a musket shot away could not be
concealed. He ordered Colonel Williams to call a council of war with all
possible celerity….General Gates then asked: Gentlemen, what is best to be done? All were mute for a few
moments, when [
Only about eight miles north of
“As night gave way to the coming day out
of the darkness appeared the dim visage of the ghostly armies. Every eye was strained to catch
a movement of the enemy; every heart beat with the fear of the unknown and hope
of some advantage in troops and position….”98 “As darkness lifted, Colonel
Williams noted the dim outline of British infantry advancing. He ordered the
artillery to open fire and then rushed to the rear to report to General Gates:
‘The enemy are deploying on the right, Sir. There’s a good chance for Stevens
to attack before they’re formed.’
“‘Sir, that’s right. Let it be done.’ And
that was the last order he gave in that battle or any other.”
Williams galloped back to the front lines.
“But it was too late for Stevens to attack. The British were upon them, fired
one volley, and then rushed forward in a bayonet attack. The militiamen had
never been under fire, nor had they ever been instructed in the use of the bayonet.
Weak and terrified as they were, they cast away their muskets and ran for their
lives. In their panic they threw the first
“The
unworthy example of the Virginians was almost instantly followed by the
Many years later, Garrett
Watts of the
I
well remember everything that happened the next morning: I remember that I was
among the nearest to the enemy; …that we had orders to wait for word to commence
firing; that the militia were in front and in a feeble condition at the time.
They were fatigued. The weather was warm excessively. They had been fed a short
time previously on molasses entirely. I can state on oath that I believe my gun
was the first gun fired, notwithstanding the orders, for we were close to the
enemy, who appeared to maneuver in contempt of us, and I fired without thinking
except that I might prevent the man opposite from killing me. The discharge and
loud roar soon became general from one end of the lines to the other. Amongst
other things, I confess I was amongst the first that fled. The cause of that I
cannot tell, except that everyone I saw was about to do the same. It was
instantaneous. There was no effort to rally, no encouragement to fight.
Officers and men joined in the flight. I threw away my gun, and, reflecting I
might be punished for being without arms, I picked up a drum, which gave forth
such sounds when touched by the twigs I cast it away. When we had gone, we
heard the roar of guns still, but we knew not why. Had we known, we might have
returned. It was that portion of the army commanded by
Now almost the entire
militia, constituting two-thirds of the Southern Army, had fled, many without
firing a shot. Colonel Williams later wrote, “He who has never seen
the effect of a panic upon a multitude can have but an imperfect idea of such a
thing. The best disciplined troops have been enervated and made cowards by it.
Armies have been routed by it, even where no enemy appeared to furnish an excuse.
Like electricity, it operates instantly; like sympathy, it is irresistible
where it touches.”
“The regular
troops, who had the keen edge of sensibility and fear rubbed off by strict discipline
and hard service, saw the confusion with but little emotion. Some irregularity
was created by the militia breaking pell-mell through the First Maryland Brigade,
but order was restored in time to give the British a severe check, which abated
the fury of their assault and obliged them to assume a more deliberate manner
of acting….”
“Now both the center and the left were gone –
hopelessly gone. The right wing of
“The
disparagement in numbers of the two 
armies at this phase of the action was not
so great, there being about 1,300 regular infantry of the British opposed to
about 1,000 Continentals, but there was no way of checking the flanking movement
which the British were making against the First Maryland Brigade. There were no
more reserves, and the brigade was compelled to give ground. It fell back
reluctantly and collectedly, and then a moment later, under the rallying cry of
some of its officers, it bravely returned to the fray. It was obliged to give
way a second time and was again rallied and renewed the contest. Meanwhile the
Second Brigade, fighting under the immediate leadership of
“General
Cornwallis now had all of his regiments concentrated against these two gallant
brigades.” It was stifling hot, and the winds were calm. In the early morning light, gray-blue musket smoke hung in the
air, concealing the two separated American lines from each other. Sound rather
than sight became the only means of communication between them. “Colonel
Williams at this critical moment…hastened from the First to the Second Brigade
and begged his own regiment, the Sixth Maryland, not to fly. He was answered by
Lieutenant Colonel Ford: They have done all that can be expected of them; we
are outnumbered and outflanked; see the enemy charge with bayonets!
Cornwallis saw his chance. He swung Webster’s
regulars against the front and flank of the First Maryland
Brigade. The Marylanders gave ground, rallied, were driven back, rallied
again, but at last were overcome
and routed.
Now there were only Gist’s Marylanders
and
stood off…more
than a thousand men against their possibly six hundred – not only stood them
off, but had
driven them back.
With one bayonet charge, they had broken through the ranks of their attackers
and taken
fifty prisoners. Then their left was turned and they were driven back.
Again they charged,
and again they were driven back. Yet once more they attacked. It was at this
point that
their companion
brigade [Edward and the First Maryland]
was broken and swept away. The smoke and dust
hung in clouds in the air, so thick that one
could see but a little distance.
the retreat of the other
brigade, were not aware of the fact that they and their few men stood alone on
the
field….They had no orders
from Gates to retire. So they fought on, “and never did troops show greater
courage than those men of
superior force of the
enemy for nearly an hour.
gigantic form of
Marylanders and
The
fighting was hand to hand, terrific in its fierceness. Sabers flashed and
struck, bayonets lunged and
found their meat,
clubbed musket fell on cracked skulls. But Cornwallis, as vigilant as Gates was
not, had
now thrown his entire force on these last
remaining foemen, 2,000 men on no more than 600.
Overwhelmed by numbers that almost entirely surrounded him,
together his men answered.
smote them
from the rear. But ball after ball had struck their heroic leader. Blood was
pouring from him;
yet the
old lion had it in him to cut down a British soldier whose bayonet was at his
breast. That was his
last stroke.
Bleeding from eleven wounds, he fell.
...Tarleton’s
cavalry…swept down upon them, broke their ranks, and the battle was over….Such…as
had not fallen or been captured scattered and
fled to the swamps.
Prostrate
in the field lay
against a
wagon….There he stood, gripping the wagon with both hands, his head in weakness
bowed on his
chest,
bleeding to death from all his wounds, when Cornwallis came riding by…and
caused him to be cared
for by the British surgeons. His great bodily
vigor kept the life in him for three days before he died in
But where was Gates? From
the time he gave the first order to Stevens, not a word of any sort from him
to his
fighting men. He had been “swept away” in the torrent of fleeing militia in the
very first minutes of
the battle, as some
historians describe his flight. “Swept away” he was – on the fastest horse in
the
army….And that gallant
steed never stopped until he landed his master at
field of honor.” There Gates slept that night.104
The 
masters of
the field included “Bloody Banastre” Tarleton’s British Legion, dressed in their distinctive green jackets. “Soon the road for ‘some miles’, so an observer
wrote, ‘was strewed with the wounded and killed, who had been overtaken by the
Legion in their pursuit. The number of dead horses, broken wagons, and baggage,
scattered on the road, formed a perfect scene of horror and confusion – arms, knapsacks
and accoutrements found were innumerable: such was the terror and dismay of the
Americans.’
“Almost a
thousand of the rebel army were killed in all, including
“And what
of Horatio Gates? What role did he play in the debacle once it began? None, sad
to say….From Salisbury Williams wrote, ‘many officers wrote to their
friends…and being chagrined and mortified at not overtaking their commanding
general in so long a retreat, expressed themselves with great disgust and
freedom.…The only apology that General Gates condescended to make for the army
for the loss of the battle was, ‘a man may
pit a cock, but he can’t make him fight.’…
“Gates’s
excuse that he was trying to rally the militia grows stale as we watch him ride
further and further from the scene of combat. He had to have heard the heavy
firing behind him and realized that the Continentals were still fighting. But
on that 16th day of August 1780 he kept riding to the rear, to Rugeley’s Mills
five miles up the road, by that night to
“Can we
possibly imagine Lord Cornwallis behaving in such a 
manner? Or General
Washington? One hesitates to call any man a coward…but we are entitled to
expect of officers that they never shirk, never run. In an age when generals
commonly exposed themselves to inspire the troops and often paid with their
lives, Major General Horatio Gates was conspicuously absent from the battles of
Saratoga and rode far and fast from Camden’s terrible field.
“It took
Gates three days to reach Hillsborough. It took
The day of the battle the
British brought the mortally wounded
The Survivors Struggle
The rout of the Americans became
total and complete. It turned into a terrifying panic and an “every man for
himself” headlong retreat north. Tarleton and his Legion dragoons quickly advanced
toward Rugeley's. They took militia General Rutherford and many others prisoner.
But the pursuit also dispersed the British, and a halt was ordered for them to regroup
and to dislodge a small party of Americans who were rallying the militia and tending
the wagons. The arrival of Tarleton quickly caused this group of Americans to flee
also. The chase again commenced and did not let up until the British cavalry
reached Hanging Rock, 22 miles from the battle field. By this time the
Americans were completely scattered, and fatigue had overpowered the British. “The Virginians, who knew nothing of the
country they were in, involuntarily reversed the route they came and fled to
Sergeant-Major Seymour
described what he saw as the regulars made their way north in the fearsome retreat.
“Here was a most shocking scene to behold, our poor scattered troops everywhere
dispersed through the country, and the Tories everyday picking at them, taking
every thing from them which was of any value.”109 As for Captain Kirkwood,
he blocked it all out. “I can give no account of our
As for the detachment sent to aid militia
General Sumter in capturing the British wagon train, “Bloody Ben” Tarleton overtook
and surprised them; they had literally let their guard down. “Genl. Sumter [was] defeated by a party of Horse and
Infantry at the head of Fishing Creek, by the negligence of the Brigade Major
not posting out a picquet, the men having their arms stacked, when the enemy,
unperceived by any, had taken possession of them, where they put every one to
the sword who came in their way. Here was another scene of misery to see about
one hundred and thirty of our Continental Troops, with two pieces of cannon,
who but the day before the action of the sixteenth were detached to Genl.
Sumter, with 800 Militia, all killed, wounded, and taken prisoners, besides 36
waggons loaded with rum, stores, etc., which he had but the day before taken
from the enemy.”111
“General
Gates was much censured on account of the defeat of the Americans on Sander’s
Creek, because he provided for no place of rendezvous in the event of being
obliged to retreat; for not having his baggage and stores at a proper distance
from the scene of action, and because of an improper arrangement of his army
for attack, placing his unskilled militia on the right, opposite the British veterans
of Webster. Armand spoke harshly of Gates, and even intimated that he was a
coward or a traitor. Gates’s great fault appears to have been a too sanguine
belief that he could easily crush the inferior force of his enemy. His vanity
was always the source of his greatest trouble. In this instance he was too
confident of success, and made no provision for the contingencies of adversity;
and hence his utter weakness when the victorious blow was struck by the
British, and he was obliged to flee.
“On the seventeenth and eighteenth, Smallwood
and Gist arrived at
Sergeant-Major Seymour: “We
assembled at Salisbury the few that were left, Genl. Smallwood having taken the
command of them, this being the first place we made any halt since the action
of the sixteenth of August. From here we marched on the 24th under the command
of Genl. Smallwood, directing our route of Hillsborough, that being the next place
of rendezvous, which we reached with much difficulty on the 6th
September, 200 miles from Campden….Here we lay from 6th September
til the 7th October, waiting for clothes, arms, and accoutrements….”113
Once again the War for
In Hillsborough, General Smallwood pulled the remnants
of the Marylanders and the
An entry in Smallwood’s Orderly Book for 20
September demonstrates how Gates was depending on him to help keep order:
Orders~~
A
Subaltern two Serjeants, two Corporals one Drum and
Twenty four Rank and file from General
Smallwoods Brigade to missn
Guard Daily at the Markett House in Hillsborough. This Guard to
Furnish two Centinels for the
Gaol and as many as are necessary for
the Commissary and Quarter Master Stores in
Town, to send out Pickets
at night for the
Security of the Post and
to take up
and confine
all Soldiers who may
be formed in or about Town without papers
sign’d by a General or Field Officer.
While General Smallwood
was reconstituting the command, General Gates was primarily concerned with
defending himself. “From Hillsboro, Gates, his pride badly wounded, wrote to
his Commander-in-Chief ‘The victory is far from bloodless on the part of the
foe,’ he reassured
“…There was
little he could do. The militia were gone beyond recall. Remnants only of the
As 
acting Adjutant of the Southern army, Colonel
Otho Holland Williams (shown here) was responsible for making written reports about its
condition, and this was no small task. He wrote three letters about the sad
state of affairs at
1780 Oct. 12
O[tho] H[olland]
WILLIAMS. To Gov. [Thomas Sim] LEE,
Encloses the most
exact return he can get of the Maryland troops; many returned as missing are
probably dead or imprisoned; some officers are back in Maryland recruiting,
some are in camp waiting for the arrival of more men to be commanded; lost a
great many of their arms on the retreat [from Camden, S. C.] besides those
taken from 150 of Mary[lan]d and Delaware Troops who were retaken by Col.
[Francis] Marion; of the 150 men, only about 60 rejoined their corps, some were
sick but most of them just departed; their clothing and tents are now such as
to move men to compassion for the naked soldiers; hopes that in November, when
he will again report, he will have more supplies;
[
1780 Oct. 12
[Otho Holland
WILLIAMS]
His arduous duties
and the defeat in a general action will excuse his not sending in the reports
he should have sent; lost all their papers except the Gen[era]ls [?]; officers
are perplexed and seem unable to give him [Williams] the data he needs; cannot
tell who are dead and who are captive, so he is reporting most of them as
missing;
[
1780
Oct. 12
[Otho Holland
WILLIAMS] Hillsborough [N.C.]. To Baron [Frederick William Augustus] STEUBEN.
Is at last able to
make returns of the Maryland and Delaware troops; in the disaster of August 16
[at Camden, S.C.], all musters and inspections, all account books and other
papers were lost, save a few regimental muster rolls; these were sent to the
Board of War; has had to draw up his own forms for the returns he is now
submitting;…has received no clothing for the present season, and what they have
on their backs is too worthless to render an account of; their baggage and
equipment fell into the hands of the enemy, all but some 25 tents and 20 or so
camp kettles;
[
At last a
return was compiled, showing the staggering Southern army loses, brigade by
brigade. The Americans suffered 1000 casualties, 1000 captured and 132 missing.
Here is a small section of the report, showing part of the return for the First
Regiment of the First Maryland Brigade. Ananias Arvin (whose exact relationship
to Edward is unknown) is listed as a deserter. Lest we judge him too quickly, the Preface to Volume 18 of the Archives of Maryland: Muster Rolls (published by the Maryland Historical Society in 1900) states, “It should be noted that the term ‘deserter,’ when used without the addition ‘to the enemy,’ merely signifies that the soldier was absent from his command without leave. The discipline of the Revolutionary armies was not strict, and many left the ranks, when they were needed at home, returning to the service after a few months.”
FIRST BRIGADE
LOSSES
First
Barna. Allen private 16Aug80 prisoner
Thomas Allison do
prisoner
Ananias Arvin 8Aug80
deserted [His relationship to Edward is unknown.]
William Bulley Sergt 16Aug80
prisoner
John Baker private 10Aug80
deserted
Thomas Boarman private 16Aug80 prisoner
Zekiel Burnes private " killed
Zachariah Butt private missing
Amos Beck private
missing
Charles Byrne private killed
. . .
117
“Earl
Cornwallis, meanwhile, was ambitious to be on with his dream of gobbling up 
was within sight of
As for the Americans, they
were now extremely short on manpower, equipment, clothing, arms and ammunition,
and shelter. And they could not look to the states for much help. “The states
had inadequate administrative machinery to raise enough food and war materials
for the army. It was not entirely the fault of the civil officials, who complained
with some justification that many resources had been drained in supplying the
troops that fought at
“Small lots did get through as portions of
the total were shipped when wagons were available. On 30 September, replacement
weaponry from three chests of arms which arrived that day were issued to
complete the Maryland Regiment….they were probably French muskets and
accoutrements.120
“As the
Continentals reorganized, replacement of uniforms was underway. Clothing,
blankets and knapsacks from Continental supplies and
“On 8 October, a small quantity of shoes,
shirts, overalls and knapsacks were issued to the line troops. None of these
items went to the Light infantry which marched for
More
supplies were received at
Hillsborough on 17 October: 600 “suits” from a clothier in
“In addition to clothing
shipped to the army, additional articles came with recruits. One hundred
Daniel Morgan Returns
But perhaps the most important reinforcement received
by the Southern Army up to that point was a retired colonel with a luminous military
mind and a war-torn body. The most original thinker of the Revolutionary War
now returned to an army which needed him desperately. As demonstrated so vividly by Gates at
“Daniel
Morgan is hardly known as a Revolutionary hero today, but contemporaries
considered his experience and talents as legendary….Morgan led through respect
and by example. He was a powerful figure who feared no danger and sought the hottest
action. During the French and Indian War, he suffered a wound in which the ball
entered the back of his neck, passed through his mouth, taking out the left
rear teeth, and emerged through his upper left lip. Contemporaries described a
livid scar, but illustrations rarely show any indication, although [portrait artist Charles Willson] Peale gave him a subdued mark.”124
“The giant wagoner had
retired from the army in the summer of 1779, disgruntled by Congress’ failure
to advance him in rank and very uncomfortable in health from an
old rheumatic or arthritic condition. For fifteen months he had resided at home in
“Entering
“Gates helped eliminate the chances of friction
between Morgan and the local officers by keeping an old promise: he gave Morgan
an independent light corps. Though the new unit consisted mainly of picked men,
its size—three companies of Continental infantry, sixty
“Alarmed [by the threat posed by Cornwallis], the North Carolina Board of War
urged Gates to send westward all the Continentals having shoes to assist the
state militia, which was to be headed by Brigadier General William Smallwood, a
Maryland regular then at Hillsboro. The board requested that Colonel Morgan,
‘the famous Partisan, accompany Smallwood. As the board wrote Morgan, his
well-known ‘Character as a Soldier’ would infuse new morale into the militia.
Gates agreed to detach Morgan and instructed Smallwood to impede Cornwallis’s
progress through guerrilla operations. This strategy, which Gates himself
should have employed earlier instead of pressing down on
The
detachment set out the next day. “While Morgan was on detached duty, just
before the army left…
The Flying Army
Upon
hearing that Cornwallis had retreated from Charlotte Town, Gates decided to
move the main army there. Morgan also set out toward it, marching slowly,
awaiting orders from Smallwood. “When Smallwood finally came up with the
militia and Morgan’s men about October 20, he assembled his force at New
Providence, twelve miles south of
Despite
Seymour’s journal entry, evidence suggests the name “Flying Army” was not actually
coined until a few weeks later by the man who was soon to head the Southern
Department. Rumors flew, but at this point in time no one, neither officer nor
enlisted man, knew who it would be.133 He would later write to General Lafayette
that “I gave this the name of flying Army; and while its numbers are so small,
and the enemy so much superior, it must be literally so; for they can make no
opposition of consequence.”134
Typical of
the derring-do with which Morgan’s little army operated is this episode as
recorded by
On the 28th [November]
our Horse and Infantry marched for Rugeley’s mill, leaving our tents standing,
and the sick
and barefoot men left as a guard. We came
before Rugeley’s on the first December where Col Rugeley lay, with
his Regiment of Tories, in the number of about two hundred,
strongly fortified.
Horse being sent to draw them out, who
ordered a party of them to dismount and represent Infantry, they getting a
large pine knot, hauling along which served
for a piece of cannon, [Col. Williams
wrote, “he had the address to
plant
the Trunk of a pine Tree upon three prongs so pointedly like a Field Piece.”]
and had the same effect as if
was the best piece in Christendom. This great
piece of ordnance was drawn up in full view of the Tories.
Rugely demanded some time to consider, but
the sergeant who bore the flag made answer and told him that we had
cannon and would put them all to immediate
death if they did not give up, upon which the Tories marched out and
gave up their fortifications, without so much
as firing a single shot, and surrendered themselves up as prisoners of
war. On the 2d December we returned to camp.”135
Nathanael Greene Takes Charge
Back in
“The choice seemed to many to be between
William Smallwood 
and Nathanael Greene, but the Congressional Delegates from the theatre concerned very decidedly
wanted Greene….Undoubtedly he was
Greene had to leave his Highland Department command
immediately, without even a chance to say goodbye to his beloved wife Caty.
“Nothing should have torn me from you but the General’s absolute orders to come
on and not let anything detain me.’…At headquarters, Greene received his orders
and the welcome news that he would have Henry [Light Horse Harry] Lee’s Legion there and Baron von Steuben to
assist him in training and regulating his army.”137
“He arrived
in
“On the way
south they stopped in
“Gates was
in
William Smallwood Departs
As for
Greene’s potential rival for command of the Southern Army, “General Smallwood
set out on his march for 
to Major General for his
efforts after 
of his resentments.’[Williams wrote “Gen. Smallwood, the only officer who could hope to
succeed Greene, found a way to retire from a difficult field.”141]
Throughout the war, Smallwood complained about the rank and privilege accorded
foreign officers such as Steuben, Lafayette, Pulaski, and others, most of whom
he deemed unworthy….the general complained that many Maryland men who should be
joining his command were instead joining Count Pulaski’s Legion, an independent
unit. Smallwood constantly carped about his own slow advancement in rank and
felt that his native state was not getting its fair share of credit for its
part in the war. He also displayed discomforting insensitivity to his men’s
sacrifices in battle.”
He returnedto civilian life and his estate
in
Greene and Morgan
Major
General Nathanael Greene was now firmly in charge of the Southern army, but it
was far from an enviable command. “At
Greene beckoned
General Morgan to him, and “On 3 December 1780 a living legend rode into
Nathanael Greene’s camp at
“Pending
improvement in his numbers, and augmentation in the necessary supplies, the
army was to remain inactive. The country around Charlotte Town had been
depleted so thoroughly of food and forage, that on the 8th of December Greene
wrote to [his engineer] Colonel
Kosciusko to examine the country along the Peedee for a distance of 20 or 30
miles south of Little River, for a good position for the army….The unhappy
condition of the southern army is pictured in a letter written to Washington on
the 7th of December, wherein Greene says:
Nothing can
be more wretched and distressing than the condition of the troops, starving,
with cold and hunger, without tents and camp
equipage. Those of the
literally
naked, and a great part totally unfit for any kind of duty, and must remain so
until
clothing can be had from the northward.
“After two weeks of arduous attention to a
multitude of details, report having been received in the meanwhile from
Kosciusko of a favorable site for the army on the Peedee, the troops were put
under marching orders on the 16th, but due to heavy rains the march was postponed until the 20th.” He took his army to
a “position selected on the east bank of the Peedee, opposite to Cheraw Hill,
which was reached on the 26th. General Greene called his new location a ‘camp
of repose,’ adding in this connection, in a letter to Washington written on the
28th of December, ‘no army ever wanted one more, the troops having totally lost
their discipline.’”146
Greene
immediately set about rebuilding his tattered army as no one else could have.
He would not wait for supplies from the North. “Nathanael Greene….moved to alleviate uniform
supply problems by producing clothing locally. Greene ordered cloth in
“Shoes
were a
constant problem for eighteenth century armies. Continental Army shoe life
appears shorter than in the British 71st Regiment where
two pair of shoes lasted about a year. A return of shoes needed was made on 13
December ….On 7 January, two wagons full of supplies, including shoes, were
sent from Cross Creek (now
Divide or Be Conquered
“On the
twentieth of December, Greene marched from
You are appointed to the command of
a corps of light infantry of 320 men detached from the
The object of this detachment is to give protection to
that part of the country and spirit up the people—to annoy the enemy in that
quarter-to collect the provision and forage out of their way….
Confiding in your abilities and
activity, I entrust you with this command, being persuaded you will do
everything in your power to distress the enemy and afford protection to the
country.
Given under my hand at
To Brig. Gen. MORGAN. NATH. GREENE.
“Now on the twentieth of December, as
Brigadier General of Light Infantry, Morgan separated from Greene at
Again the Light Army’s size
continued to increase. “As Morgan marched toward Ninety-Six, several small
militia groups joined him. By Christmas Day he had established himself across
the
“On the Pacolet, Morgan soon found
himself ‘at a loss how to act.’ Militia units joined him so fast that it became impossible to provide for his force in the neighborhood. Yet, he feared
advancing near the enemy, for he knew that Cornwallis could dispatch a superior force toward him ‘with the greatest
dispatch.’ This would oblige him to retreat,
which would discourage the Whigs….Meanwhile, Greene wished him to maintain his
position as long as possible,
cautioning him to guard against a surprise….Morgan knew what Greene had to tell
him: ‘Colonel Tarleton is said to be on his way to pay you a visit. I doubt not
but he will have a decent reception and a proper dismission.’”150 Greene
to Morgan, 29 Dec 1780: “Do not be sparing of Expresses.” Greene to Morgan, 3
Jan 1781: “The militia you know are always unsuspicious; and therefore more
easily surprised. Don’t depend too much on them.”
While on the move with Morgan, Sergeant-Major Seymour made note of people who lived
in the area, and he could have been describing Edward Arvin himself, the son of
Irish immigrant Thomas Arvin when he
wrote, “The inhabitants along this way live very poor, their plantations
uncultivated, and living in mean dwellings. They seem chiefly to be the
offspring of the ancient Irish, being very affable and courteous to strangers.”151
General Greene,
meanwhile, found time to write a letter from his “camp of repose” to his old
friend Joseph Reed, president of the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania,
in which he details the shocking and near hopeless situation in which he found
himself:
Camp on the Peedee, January 9th, 1781
….All the
way through the country, as I passed, I found the people engaged in matters of
interest and in
pursuit of pleasure, almost regardless of their
danger. Public credit totally lost, and every man excusing himself from giving
the least aid to Government, from an apprehension that they would get no return
for any advances.
I overtook the army at
The battle of Camden is spoken of
very differently here to what it is to the 
Northward, and as for a regular
retreat, there was none; every man got off the ground in the best manner he
could….General Gates and Smallwood were not upon good terms; the former
suspected the latter of having an intention to supplant him….The General (Smallwood)
IS gone to the Northward….upon the whole I think him a sensible man and a good
officer.
The wants of the army are so
numerous and various, that the shortest way of telling you is to inform you
that we have nothing….unless the army is better supported than I see any
prospect of, the Country is lost beyond redemption, for it is impossible for
the people to struggle much longer under their present difficulties….We are living
upon charity, and subsist by daily collections. Indian meal and beef is our
common diet, and not a drop of spirits have we had with us since I came to the
army. An army naked and subsisted in this manner, and not more than one-third
equal to the enemy in numbers, will make but a poor fight, especially as one
has been accustomed to victory and the other to flight. It is difficult to give
spirits to troops that have nothing to animate them.
I have been obliged to take an
entire new position with the army. General Morgan is upon the
152
But the
gradual rebuilding of the army did continue. “On January 13, Greene’s force
would receive a major addition in Light Horse Harry Lee’s Legion made up of 100
horse and 180 foot. Lee’s Legion were the best scouts and raiders on the
American side.”153 This was the
same Henry Lee who, as twenty-three year old Major Henry Lee, had surprised the British at Paulus
Hook back on 18 August 1779, when Edward first joined the army at camp
Buttermilk Falls. Among Lee’s men was an amazing young man named John Richardson, who had already been with Lee for more than two years and was now a mounted dragoon. John and
Edward would soon become acquainted, and decades later they would be living in
the same county. As part of Edward’s pension application, John Richardson would
vouch for Edward’s service during the war.
Seymour, back on the Broad
River with Morgan: “We lay on the ground from the twenty-fifth December, 1780,
till the fourteenth January, 1781, and then proceeded on our march further up
the river towards the iron works in order to frustrate the designs of the enemy
who were coming round us, Colonel Tarleton one side and Lord Cornwallis on the
other. We encamped on the Cowpens Plains on the evening of the sixteenth
January.”154
“[Cornwallis had] detached Tarleton with a
force of 750 men and two three-pounders across the Broad River to push Morgan ‘to
the utmost,’ compelling him fight or flee….Morgan watched these British
movements closely….As Tarleton drew closer, Morgan pulled father back until as
the cold, raw evening of the sixteenth closed in, he reached a place called
Hannah’s Cowpens on the Broad River. There he decided to stand and face the foe
he knew he could not evade….”155
Captain Robert H. Kirkwood—a man of action, not words—recorded in his journal for
17 January 1781 a simple “Defeated Tarleton.” But there was a little more to the story than
that. The Battle of Cowpens would mark a turning point in the
The Battle of Cowpens
— 17
January 1781 
A Partial
List of the Combatants: American Forces
Commanding Officer Brigadier General Daniel Morgan
Continentals
Lieutenant Colonel John Eager Howard
Maryland-Delaware Light Infantry Battalion
Captain Robert H. Kirkwood
Captain Richard Anderson
1st
Captain Henry Dobson
2nd
Lieutenant Nicholas Mangers
3rd
Lieutenant Colonel William Washington
3rd Regiment of
Continental Light Dragoons 82
Colonel Andrew Pickens
Colonel Joseph McDowell
Georgia
Militia 490
Major John Cunningham
Total
American Forces engaged 900 – 2,400
British
Forces
Commanding Officer Lieutenant Colonel Banastre Tarleton
British Regulars
7th (Royal Fusilier) Regiment of Foot
1st Battalion 167
71st Regiment of Foot (Fraser’s Highlanders)
1st Battalion
263
British Legion Dragoons 250
British Legion Infantry 201
Total
British Forces engaged 1,050
As battle loomed,
By nightfall on January 16th, Morgan was still six miles from the crossing
of the
Major Thomas Young was
riding as a volunteer with Colonel
We were very anxious for battle, and
many a hearty curse had been vented again General Morgan during that day’s
march for retreating, as we thought, to avoid a fight.
Night came upon us, yet much remained to be done….It was upon this
occasion I was more perfectly convinced of Gen. Morgan's qualifications to
command militia, than I had ever before been. He went among the volunteers,
helped them fix their swords, joked with them about their sweet-hearts, told
them to keep in good spirits, and the day would be ours. And long after I laid down,
he was going about among the soldiers encouraging them, and telling them that
the old Wagoner would crack his whip over Ben (Tarleton) in the morning, as
sure as they lived. “Just hold up your heads, boys, three fires,” he would say,
“and you are free, and then when you return to your homes, how the old folks
will bless you, and the girls kiss you, for your gallant conduct!” I don't
believe he slept a wink that night!157
Morgan also found time to
address Edward and the rest of his Continentals.
An hour before dawn Morgan was
informed that Tarleton was only five miles down the road. “Boys get up!” he
shouted, “Benny is coming!” He had his men eat a breakfast that had been
prepared the night before. Extra ammunition and flints were issued, and then
the wagons were sent to the rear. Now the novel way he would use the militia was
revealed. He deployed his forces as no previous commander had ever conceived
of, much less attempted. McJunkin
described Cowpens as a “long ascending plain, overgrown with large chestnuts.” Morgan
had placed his least reliable forces in the front, at the bottom of this nearly
level plain. He knew the militia, and he knew how to use them. Morgan understood
that the militia were likely to run, but he told them they were allowed to run after
they fired two rounds at the “epaulets,” meaning at the British officers.
The first line was a skirmish 
line consisting of 120 selected marksmen.
These men would be partially concealed in high grass and trees. Their job was
to fire two volleys and then retreat to the second line, firing as they fell
back. Morgan’s second line was 150 yards up the plain. It consisted of 300 Georgia,
North and
One hundred and fifty yards beyond the second line, on top of the plain
under the chestnut trees, was Morgan’s coup
de grace, his third line: the Continentals under the command of Colonel
John Eager Howard. Howard and his battalion of light infantry were in the
center of the Mill Gap road. On the Continental’s left were 100
In the predawn darkness, before the battle
ever began, an incident occurred which must have given Tarleton pause. The
British dragoons had captured a wounded but “not to be intimidated” Sergeant Lawrence
Everheart of the Continental dragoons when his horse fell. Everheart stated in
his pension application that he was “taken
to Col Tarlton: our army at this point of time being perhaps three miles in the
rear. Dismounting from his horse, that officer [Tarleton] asked the petitioner after some previous conversation if
he expected Mr. Washington & Mr. Morgan would fight him that day.
Yes
if they can keep together only two hundred men was the reply.
Then
he said it would be another Gates'
defeat.
I
hope to God it will be another Tarlton's defeat said this petitioner.
I
am Col. Tarleton, Sir.
And
I am Sergeant Everhart.
My wounds were bleeding at this time but
soon afterwards were dressed by the surgeon.”159
The action began on that
frosty morning in January. Morgan’s riflemen fired at Tarleton’s cavalry, who were
scouting ahead of his main army. This slowed the dragoons considerably, and the
riflemen could not be driven back. So the British cavalry rejoined Tarleton’s main
line. The British army was almost 1,100 strong; it was now only 300 yards from
Morgan’s first line. In the center of Tarleton’s line was the British Light
Infantry. To the left of the Lights was the British Legion infantry, and in
between both was a three-pound cannon. On the right of the Lights were the new
recruits of the 7th Regiment, and in between them was another three-pound
cannon. A company of fifty dragoons was stationed at each end of the line.
It took Tarleton nearly
half an hour to deploy the men into a line of battle. In the dim light of the
pre-dawn they dropped their packs and blankets and grounded all excess gear
except their arms and ammunition. Then Tarleton gave the command to the entire
line, now in double rank, to advance at open order and confront Morgan’s
skirmish line. The skirmishers continued to fire on the approaching line, but slowly
gave ground and drifted back to Pickens’s militia line. The British artillery also
fired, in unison, at the skirmishers, and moved forward with the British line. These
cannon shots flew over the heads of the militia and landed amongst Colonel
Now the British Legion Infantry moved forward quickly, but was receiving
a “heavy and galling fire.” The North Carolinian riflemen didn’t yield until “the
bayonet was presented.” Even then the skirmishers moved back in an orderly way,
firing and dodging between the trees. The rest of the militia had now been
waiting nervously in the second line for more than hour for their time to come.
They had heard, and now they finally could see their enemy. Thomas Young continues:
The morning of the 17th of January was bitterly
cold. We were formed in order of battle, and the men were slapping their hands
together to keep warm – an exertion not long necessary….
About sun-rise, the British line
advanced at a sort of trot, with a loud halloo. It was the most beautiful line
I ever saw. When they shouted, I heard Morgan say, “They give us the British
halloo, boys, give them the Indian halloo, by G—” and he galloped along the
lines, cheering the men, and telling them not to fire until we could see the
whites of their eyes. Every officer was crying don't fire! for It was a hard
matter for us to keep from it….
The militia fired first. It was for
a time pop—pop—pop, and then a whole volley.
Tarleton’s less experienced 7th Regiment
returned fire, but with not much effect on the Americans. His Light Infantry
and his Legion Infantry knew better than to waste their fire. They attempted to
close the distance with the militia, because only then could their bayonets be
put to use. But now the fire from Morgan’s men began to stagger the Light Infantry
and stopped their assault. At one point two thirds of the British officers were
down, and over half of the men fell. Some of them did not go down due to
wounds, but instead collapsed due battle fatigue—lack of sleep, lack of food
and the high stress of continual fighting their way up the rising Cowpens plain
without a letup. It was too much even for these skilled soldiers.
Morgan had placed his second line
beyond the crest of a hill, and the British fire went predictably over the
heads of these militia. But the riflemen could clearly see the British
silhouetted on the hilltop, and they continually hit their marks. Now each of
the four militia battalion did as they were supposed to do, firing one round in
turn, then reloading. With great effort
the British recovered from the initial shock of this fire, and once again
mounted an assault charge. It was their only hope. Some militia were even able
to fire off a second shot, thus punishing the British again. Most of Tarleton’s
command who were lost in the battle fell in front of the second militia line. “The
dead were found in straight lines across the field.”
Inevitably, as the enemy charged them, the second-line
militia was unable to defend against the bayonet. But Morgan’s plan was still
working, and his trap was set. “The American advance corps…opened their fire
and supported it with animation under a brisk fire from the British, until the
bayonet was presented, when they retired and took their posts in the intervals
left for them.” Morgan had ordered spaces left in the third line for the
militia to scurry through without disrupting the Continentals. They retreated in
“very good order, not seeming to be in the least confused.” In addition, some of
the riflemen were still moving back from tree to tree, firing as they went. As the
Tarleton’s men thought the militia was beaten as they dashed off to
safety behind the third line. The British army came on in great spirits,
shouting as they moved forward, losing their tight-knit order. They did not
know yet about the Continentals. Tarleton also 
saw the fleeing militia, and
also thought that they were ready to be finished. He ordered the cavalry to
strike at both flanks to bring an end to the battle. “As the militia retreated,
they were charged by the British light dragoons of the advance.” The Dragoons
hacked and slashed at all within reach; some of Pickens’s militia ran to their
horses and fled the field. American surgeon John Welchel received “seven wounds
on his head and two on his Shoulders….the wounds in the head opened the skull
to the brains.” But he survived.160 Tarleton’s dragoons stormed in amongst
the militia, and James Collins wrote in his
memoirs,
Tarleton’s cavalry pursued us; now, I thought, my hide is in the loft. Just as we got to our horses, they overtook us
and began to take a few hacks at some, however without doing much damage. They,
in their haste, had pretty much scattered, perhaps thinking they would have
another Fishing Creek frolic [where
Tarleton had surprised and destroyed Sumter’s South Carolina partisans at
Camden] But in a few moments, Colonel Washington’s cavalry was among them
like a whirlwind, and the poor fellows began to keel from their horses without
being able to remount.
The shock was so sudden and violent they could not stand it, and
immediately betook themselves to flight. There was no time to rally, and they
appeared to be as hard to stop as a drove of Choctaw steers going to a
In a few moments, the clashing of swords was out of hearing and quickly
out of sight. By this time, both lines
of the infantry were warmly engaged and we being relieved from the pursuit of
the enemy and began to rally and prepare to redeem our credit, when Morgan rode
up in front and waving his sword cried out, “Form, form, my brave fellows! Give
them one more fire, and the day is ours! Old Morgan was never beaten!”161
Once the American militia had
passed through the lines as planned, the
steely Continentals closed ranks. They must have presented an almost legendary tableau
standing there on the plain. “The unengaged Continentals must have been quite
disconcerting to Tarleton’s infantry. Just having seen victory in the backs of
the militia, they now saw trouble in the solid ranks wearing blue coats faced
with red, outlined by white belts supporting cartridge box and bayonet
scabbard.”162 Their general and the other officers were riding
impatiently behind them. “The powerful & trumpet like voice of our
Commander drove fear from every bosom, and gave new energies to every arm.”163
Another 17-year-old boy, William Anderson, was in the Virginia Battalion. He
later wrote,
Morgan had commanded his troops not to
fire until he gave the order, and then to aim at the knee buckles, which were
conspicuous upon the knees of the British soldiers. A young man in the
Botetourt Company, before General Morgan gave the order to fire, had leveled
his rifle and was taking aim at the British, who were then rapidly approaching
General Morgan's lines, and were then in point blank range. General Morgan
cursed this young soldier, asking him “what in hell” he meant by violating his orders;
and the young soldier, with tears running down his cheeks, said, “General, I’m
not going to fire; I’m just taking good aim.”
While the militia was passing through the Continental line, the British officers
dressed their lines. Though their red coated infantry had been badly injured,
they were still able to maintain control. And as the initial shock of seeing
the Continental line under the trees wore off, they reformed from open order
into regular order. If they were to take on the Continentals they would need to
be a more compact force, able to withstand the hand-to-hand, life or death
struggle that would soon occur. “They then advanced on boldly.” The British
artillery had again been pushed up the road and was with the 7th Fusiliers.
A supreme test of American vs.
British willpower and determination then began. What followed became one of the
defining moments in the War for
Now the fighting grew to a climax. The two sides fired volley after
volley into each other’s ranks for ten minutes. The British infantry was
approaching exhaustion—they could not go forward but were unwilling to retreat.
The Continentals were just as stubborn. Tarleton, though still holding back his
cavalry reserve, did bring up his infantry reserve, the 71st Highlanders. This
action allowed the British left to extend beyond the Continentals of the
American right and thereby to potentially outflank them. Now Lt. Col. John
Eager Howard himself continues the narrative:
I had but about 350 men and the british
about 800….their line extended much further than mine….Seeing my right flank was exposed to the
enemy, I attempted to change the front of Wallace’s company [the
Morgan who had mostly been with the militia, rode up to me and expressed
apprehensions….But I soon removed his fears by pointing to the line and
observing, Do men who march like that
look as though they are beaten? He
then ordered me to keep with the men until we came to the rising ground near
In a minute we had a perfect line. The enemy were now very near us. Our
men commenced a very destructive fire which they little expected and a few
rounds occasioned great disorder in their ranks.
Still on horseback, Thomas Young found
himself—like Edward—in the thick of this maelstrom. “At this moment the bugle
sounded. We were about half formed, and making a sort of circuit at full speed,
came up in the rear of the British line, shouting and charging like mad men!” A
classic “double envelopment” of the enemy now ensued. 
“A total route
ensued. The British broke, and throwing down their guns and cartouche boxes,
made for the wagon road and did the prettiest sort of running!” Despite his
back pain, General Morgan picked up his 11 year old drummer boy and kissed him
on both cheeks.
“As the British line fled from the field they left the artillery behind.
“Howard ordered [Edward’s company commander] Captain
Richard Anderson of the Marylanders to take the artillery piece closest to him.
the
gunner, and killed him. At the other gun the Marylanders were going to bayonet
the gunner, ‘who appeared to make it a point of honour not to surrender his
match.’ Howard stopped them.” But in the end, “all the artillerymen were
bayoneted, sabred, or shot to the last man.
“The 17th Dragoons, and…the
Legion Cavalry, returned to save the guns, but were stopped by the Continentals
and Virginians who had pushed on past the guns. A short cavalry fight erupted
that involved some of Washington’s Dragoons….Pickens’ riflemen fired on the
dragoons, then mounted their own horses, and continued to press the British
until ‘they began to throw down their arms, and surrender themselves prisoners
of war.’
“The British infantry ran as they never had
before, dropping their weapons and accouterments. British Regulars dropped
their muskets and fell to the ground begging for mercy. Along the Patriot’s
line came the cry, ‘Tarleton’s Quarters…Tarleton’s Quarters!’ Morgan quickly
got the men under control, and stopped a possible massacre.…Howard promised quarter
to Major McArthur of the
71st if he surrendered.
“McJunkin wrote, ‘When Howard called out “throw down your arms and you
shall have good quarter,” in an instant 500 men piled their arms.’ McArthur
offered his sword to Pickens, stopping the slaughter. The 71st had suffered
badly in the battle. Out of sixteen officers that were on the field, nine were
killed or wounded, and all but one was captured. McJunkin described them, ‘the
Highlanders contrasted strangely with that of their conquerors. They looked
like a set of nabobs, in their flaming regimentals, set down with us militia, in
our tattered hunting shirts, black, smoked and greasy.’”166
Even to this point, Tarleton had not brought up his cavalry reserve. One
of his subordinates, Captain Roderick Mackenzie, criticized him later. “The
advance of the British fell back and communicated a panic to others, which soon
became general; a total rout ensued. Two hundred and fifty horse which had not
been engaged, fled through the woods with the utmost precipitation, bearing
down such officers as opposed their flight.... Even at this late stage of the
defeat…Tarleton with no more than fifty horse, hesitated not to charge the
whole of Washington’s cavalry…supported by the Continentals….The loss sustained
was in proportion to the danger of the enterprise, and the whole body was
repulsed.”167
In less than an hour, by 8:00 A.M., the main encounter was over. “Morgan’s
victory was complete. Only the enemy’s baggage guard and Tarleton himself with
a handful of cavalry escaped. A hundred and ten 
of the British were killed,
including ten officers, 702 were taken prisoner. Morgan’s booty included the
two British three-pounders, eight hundred muskets, one hundred horses,
thirty-five wagons of baggage, sixty Negro slaves, a huge quantity of
ammunition and ‘all their music.’ His loss was twelve killed, sixty wounded.”168
Tarleton had lost
86% of his force. He now would have to report this directly to his commanding
officer. American prisoners were
present when he brought the bad news to Lord Cornwallis. They stated that while
“he listened to Tarleton’s narrative, was leaning on his sword; he pressed it
so hard in his fury, that it broke, and he swore he would recover the prisoners
at all hazards.”169 He later wrote to Rawdon, “The late affair almost broke
my heart.”
A brief extract from Morgan’s formal report on the battle to Greene:
Camp on Cain Creek on Pedee
January 19th, 1781.
Dear Sir-The troops I have the honor to command have gained a complete victory
over a detachment from the British Army commanded by Lieut.-Col. Tarleton. It
happened on the 17th inst., about sunrise, at a place called the Cowpens,
near
….
Although our success was complete we fought only 800 and were opposed
by upwards of one thousand chosen British Troops. Such was the inferiority of
our numbers that our success must be attributed, under God, to the justice of
our cause and the bravery of our Troops. My wishes would induce me to mention
the name of every private centinel in the Corps. In justice to the brave and
good conduct of the officers, I have taken the liberty to enclose you a list of
their names from a conviction that you will be pleased to introduce such
characters to the world.
I am sir, Your obedient servant,
DAN MORGAN
A List of the Commissioned Officers in the Action of 17th January, 1781
Of
the Light Infantry.
John
E. Howard, Lt.-Col. Commd'g.
Captains Robert Sherwood,
Dobson, do.
Lieutenants
Watkins, do.
Hanson, do.
Barnes, do.
Miller, do.
King, do.
Dyer, do.
Smith, do.
170
The Confederation Congress resolved to
award a Gold Medal to General Morgan for his heroic victory, which lifted the
spirits of the whole nation. In addition, it was resolved to award silver
medals to Lt. Col. William A. Washington and Lt. Col. John Eager Howard (shown here with his medal). Due to lack of funds, Congress never actually
had Morgan’s medal, as well as those awarded to several others, struck. For
years the issue remained open. Never timid, Morgan eventually made written
inquiries as to his medal’s disposition. Finally, with the institution of the
Federal government in 1789, action was taken, and the medals were struck in 
Morgan’s original gold
medal is now lost. A replica of the medal, struck in silver from dies made in
1839, recently sold at auction for $80,500. 171
Daniel Morgan
Departs
Cornwallis wanted his men back, but Dan
Morgan was a step ahead of him. “Morgan knew that Cornwallis would be coming
after him to get back all of the prisoners from Cowpens, so he withdraw into
“Greene at first thought
to attack Ninety-Six, but the
Morgan, always a brilliant tactician, lost no time withdrawing from
the Cowpens. The next day, S-M Seymour wrote, “On the 18th we marched off with the prisoners, directing
our course for
The Flying Army set off to the northwest and marched toward Gilbert
Town (now Rutherfordton)
Cornwallis arrived two
days later, only to find Morgan long gone, and with the painful loss of
Tarleton’s fast-moving strike force, he did not have a means to close in on
him. Rain, road and rivers made it impossible for his army, with its long
cumbersome baggage train, to move with the speed of a flying army. So he chose
a drastic solution, one even more unorthodox than Greene’s division of his
army. “The loss of my light troops could only be remedied by the activity of
the whole corps.” He would convert his entire force into a light army.
Cornwallis burned the baggage train in a huge bonfire. He kept only enough
wagons for medical supplies, salt and ammunition. Otherwise everything went,
even his own personal belongings. There was now not even a supply of rum—a very
important commodity to eighteenth century soldiers. (Morgan’s men had been
suffering from the same problem of “illiquidity” for quite some time. “We have
nothing to drink.” he wrote Greene.) But Cornwallis “resolved to follow
Greene’s Army to the end of the World.”
Nathanael Greene left the
main army to General Isaac Huger with orders to march to
After successfully fording
the Catawba, the Flying Army rejoined the main army a few miles beyond
“The next morning Morgan
and the Continentals left for Guilford Courthouse, forty-seven miles away. They
were short on food. It rained all the way.” They did manage to arrive at the
courthouse, but for the Old Wagoner it was the end of the line. “Morgan simply
could no longer continue active service in the field. Greene offered him command
of an elite force of light troops that would act as a rear guard for the army.
Morgan declined….” The command went to Colonel Otho Holland Williams.
Greene held a Council
of War and it was decided to retreat to safety across the Dan River
(which becomes the Roanoke River downstream in The Race to the Now the rag tag Southern army
was again united. “At Guilford Courthouse General Greene’s Army assembled on
the 5th from Chiraw Hills, and in
a most dismal condition for want of clothing, especially shoes, being obliged
to march, the chief part of them, barefoot from Chiraw Hills. Here however they
were supplied with some shoes, but not half enough”176 Interestingly, the
Flying Army had provided for themselves with the spoils of war taken from their
defeated enemy at Cowpens. “When Morgan’s men rejoined the army following the
victory at Cowpens, Alexander Garden reported ‘many’ soldiers from the Greene still needed to
avoid Cornwallis, at this time passing through the Moravian town of Salem, but now the stakes were raised. “The
march from Cowpens to the army’s rendezvous 150 miles away at Guilford
Courthouse was a skillful, orderly retreat accomplished in stages. Now however,
a race began to the “Cornwallis was to the west, or left, of the
Americans. The light troops of Otho Holland Williams, 700 strong, would act as
a screen between Cornwallis’s column and Greene with the main force. Williams’s
mission was to keep Cornwallis far enough away to mask Greene’s true
destination. As the columns marched north, Greene would angle eastward and then
head directly toward the lower ferries, putting as much distance as possible
between himself and Cornwallis, while Williams led Cornwallis toward the
shallow upper falls. At some point, of course, Williams would have to make a
dash for the lower ferries and get there enough ahead of Cornwallis to cross
unscathed. Greene moved out with the main force early on 10 February. Williams
marched with the elite light troops after breakfast. Lee’s Legion was
Williams’s rear guard.”179 “The next days, every officer in Greene’s army
knew, would see a race whose outcome might determine the fate of the South. If
Greene were overcome and defeated, Cornwallis’ way would be open to a junction
with the British in Cornwallis soon came to realize
what the American army was up to and went full tilt after Williams. “For five
tense days, with his rear almost never out of sight of the enemy’s van, often
drawing up to force him to deploy and then flying once more, Greene raced
Cornwallis to the Dan.”181 By 13 February both Cornwallis and Williams were
at forced march pace. Seymour: “By this time it must be expected that the army,
especially the light troops, were very much fatigued both with traveling and
want of sleep, for you must understand that we marched for the most part both
day and night, the main army of the British being close in our rear, so that we
had scarce time to cook our victuals, their whole attention being on our light
troops.”182 Williams realized that
there might come a time he and his troops might have to be sacrificed to
protect the main army; he might have to “risque the Troops I’ve had the Honor
to command and in so doing I risque everything.” At one critical point they
caught a glimpse, up ahead through the trees, of campfires burning. Was it Greene
and the main army? If so, Williams, Edward, Henry Lee, John Richardson—everyone—would
be called upon to make their sacrifice. For a few moments tensions ran very
high. But as they approached, it was found to be an old campsite burning down, and
Greene had long since departed. Their sacrifice was postponed, but they were
still forty miles from the banks of the Dan. They were able to rest a
few hours, then near midnight Lee reported the British van advancing on the
American pickets. “The light troops resumed their march with alacrity.” At mid
morning on the 14th both armies
stopped for an hour to feed the troops. Then, relentlessly, the contestants
pushed on. Williams received a dispatch from Greene, written from the Dan at
2:00 P.M. “The greater part of our wagons are over and
the troops are crossing.” That evening another courier rode in. “1/2 past 5
o’clock. All our troops are over and the stage is clear….I am ready to receive
you and give you a hearty welcome.” The light troops raised a great cheer,
which the British were close enough to actually hear, and realized what it meant. “Otho Holland Williams had
brilliantly executed one of warfare’s most difficult maneuvers. Now the task
was to save themselves.”183 “Fourteen Generalship Now In contrast to Cornwallis, “Greene’s astute
management of local resources supplemented supplies coming overland from the
north. His leadership in solving the supply problems of his army has been
overshadowed by the strategic skill with which he maneuvered his army, but it
was equally important to the Continentals’ success. While the Continentals
suffered constantly from shortages of subsistence, weapons and clothing,
ultimately they had enough to get the job done….On 24 February, a brigade of
wagons left Chesterfield Courthouse [Virginia]
for the army depot then at Prince Edward Courthouse [ Historical
Note: On 1 March 1781, South into Although now safely north
of the Dan, General Nathanael Greene could scarcely afford to go into repose. He
had to make a show of force south of the Dan to demonstrate that Cornwallis did
not control the region simply by occupying Hillsborough. He made his decision.
“The movement of the army south began 19 February when Greene sent Light Horse
Harry Lee with his legion [including John
Richardson] and two companies of the Maryland Line [including Edward?] back across the Dan to collect intelligence and
join Pickens.…On 22 February Greene had recrossed with the main army….”188
Cornwallis again moved toward Greene, and for almost three tense weeks more
cat-and-mouse games were played, Colonel Williams always screening the main
army from the British. Over 1000 militia joined the Southern army, as did 400
Maryland Continentals sent by Steuben. On 10 March the army again united, and
Captain Kirkwood wrote, “The rest of the Infantry joined their respective
Regiments, marched. 11th. Marched
this day toward Guilford Courthouse.”189
Sergeant-Major Seymour noted as an aside that, “The inhabitants here and
about Guilford Court House are chiefly Irish, being very courteous, humane, and
affable to strangers, as likewise are the inhabitants of Mecklinbourg and Roan,
over the River Yatkin, the latter being true friends to the country on this
present critical occasion.”190 The American army, over 4000 strong, arrived at
the area around the courthouse, rested, bivouacked overnight and waited. “At
daybreak on 15 March Lord Cornwallis marched with the intention of fighting
that day. Waiting at Guilford Courthouse, Greene had the same intention.”191 Battle of Guilford Courthouse — 15
March 1781 “I was at the Battle of
Guilford Courthouse under General Greene. This was fought at some old fields turned out and surrounded by
broken fences. General Greene having divided his army into three divisions,
behind one of these fences [he] placed first a division of select riflemen;
second, the militia were stationed in the rear in the woods; last, and still
further in their rear to prevent a retreat like General Gates’s, were placed
the regulars. This was a great battle. Both sides fought until they were
willing to cease, but we had the advantage, for the last division was just
beginning to bear heavy on them, and the British had to give back. These were
times of great suffering. We had but little to eat, as little to wear, feeble
and worn down….” Garret Watts of the In setting his three
lines, or “divisions” as Of Greene’s 4400 troops,
1700 were Continentals. “The Maryland Brigade was commanded by Colonel
Otho Holland Williams. Colonel John Gunby led the First Maryland….Lt. Col.
Benjamin Ford led the Second Maryland….only the 1st Maryland and the Delaware
companies were hardened veterans, equal to any regiment Cornwallis could throw
at them. Recruits composed most of the 2nd Lee and
Tarleton’s dragoons had already clashed three times that morning. This
skirmishing convinced each side that the other was “at hand.” The lines were
formed, but it wasn’t until the after noon that the battle actually commenced. As
midday came and went, everyone fell quite in nervous anticipation. All eyes
fell to the road, each soldier straining for a first glimpse of red. “About “Cornwallis,
‘persevering in his determination to die or conquer,’ re-formed and moved
against Greene’s second line. ‘At this place’ observed Colonel Tarleton, ‘the
action became more severe.’ The Virginians on the left held stubbornly for a
time, until Cornwallis himself led the redcoats against them, and they began to
fade back through the trees toward the third line.”197 Between the
American second and third lines was a natural bowl-like amphitheatre, the basin
of a small creek, which had been cleared of trees. British Lieutenant Colonel
James Webster led the first two units out of the woods “down into the bowl,
across it, and charged up the other side at the waiting Continentals. He drove
his men at the cream of Greene’s army: 1st Tarleton,
writing in 1787: “At this period the event of the action was doubtful, and
victory alternately presided over each army.” Author John Buchanan, writing in
1997: “If the fighting had been fierce up to then, it was about to get
worse.” The British regrouped and the
2nd Guards Battalion, now emerging from the woods, charged at the 2nd Maryland
Regiment. The sight of their bayonets
quickly advancing on them was too much for these untested regulars; they turned
and fled as quickly as the A Suddenly a
bugle call echoed over the amphitheatre. William Washington, as vigilant as he
had been at Cowpens, had swung his dragoons to the rear of the Guards. 
clothing.”177
John Richardson was
with Lee’s Legion.
miles from the
Dan, Otho Holland Williams headed for the crossing with the Continentals and
the 
consider the genius of
Nathanael Greene. His plan to “ruin” Cornwallis (not necessarily defeat him in
battle) was working. “Cornwallis had been outgeneraled, once again faced by a
river he could not cross….[He] was
ignorant of the temper of the immediate country surrounding him, had not a hope
of receiving reinforcements, and had burned his supplies. He had no supply
depots, no hospitals for his sick and wounded, no strong towns to retreat to
should misfortune strike. His commander in chief, Sir Henry Clinton, did not
even know his whereabouts. Greene had drawn Cornwallis 240 miles from his
nearest base of communication and supply, 
1:30
P.M. on 15 March 1781, the head of the British column appeared on the 
was severely wounded by a musket ball
that struck him directly in the knee. The British were repulsed in disorder.”198
The Guards
were in disorder. Many, although not badly hurt, had been knocked down by the
big chargers. John Eager Howard took immediate advantage and drove the 1st
Under the
onslaught of Howard’s Continentals the Guards wavered, bent, seemed to be on
the verge of breaking. Incredibly, the flower of Cornwallis’s army was in grave
danger of being driven from the field, perhaps destroyed. John Eager Howard
recalled that, “The whole were in our power.” Was Guilford Courthouse another
Cowpens in the making? It might have been had another general commanded the
British that day. Cornwallis emerged from the woods and observed what had
happened before him. Then he did what he had to do….
Lieutenant
John McLeod was at hand with his six-pounders.…Cornwallis ordered McLeod to
fire grapeshot into the mass of struggling men, into friend and foe alike. [British Brigadier General] Charles
O’Hara laying painfully wounded on the ground beside the cannon begged him not
to do it. Lieutenant McLeod hesitated. Cornwallis sternly repeated the order. The cannons roared, spewing grape into the
flesh of Britons and Americans….[Edward
states in his pension application that he was wounded in the left hip and the
small of the back in the Battle of Guilford Courthouse.] The melee dissolved as soldiers of
both sides scattered. Cornwallis had done what he had to do. The crisis passed.
Cornwallis
pressed forward toward the gap from which 2nd
Cornwallis
first ordered a pursuit by the Fusiliers and the Highlanders but quickly
recalled them. His army was in no condition to pursue. Behind him, around him,
lay hundreds of dead and wounded British soldiers. It was a notable victory he
and they had won, as fine it has been said as any in the long British annals of
war. The performance of the rank and file had been magnificent, their officers had
conducted themselves with their usual contempt for death. But to what
purpose?...Cornwallis had set out in January with between 3,200 and 3,300 men.
Despite Tarleton’s disaster at Cowpens he had pushed on with some 2,550 men.
Now his force was reduced to slightly over 1,400 effectives, and they were no
longer fit to campaign. Charles, 2nd Earl Cornwallis, had ruined his army….Cornwallis…is
reported to have said, “I never saw such fighting since God made me. The
Americans fought like demons.”
…Nathanael
Greene was a cool strategist of the first order and always had uppermost in
mind that he could not, he must not, lose the army….Tactically, by a narrow
margin, Lord Cornwallis had won the Battle of Guilford Courthouse.
Strategically, by a wide margin, Nathanael Greene had set up Cornwallis for an
even worse disaster, and laid the firm foundation on which he could win the
campaign in the
Edward
never tells us how badly he was wounded. We don’t know whether he was able to
march off the field under his own power or perhaps move haltingly on the
shoulders of his comrades. But he may have been so badly hurt he could not be moved,
and had to be left behind, laying on the field with many other American and British
wounded. If so, he lived through a horrific experience, as bad as anything
experienced by any soldier anywhere in the war. “The day had been bright and
crisp. As night the weather turned. ‘The rain fell in torrents,’ wrote Charles
Stedman. ‘Near fifty of the wounded…sinking under their aggravated miseries,
expired before the morning. The cries of the wounded and dying, who remained on
the field of action during the night, exceed all description.’ They had no
tents—all had gone into the great bonfire at Ramsour’s Mill—and there were too
few ‘houses near the field of battle to receive the wounded.’ The British
troops had last eaten about 4:00 P.M. the day before
the battle, and Stedman reported that they did not eat again until about the
same time the day after the battle….another participant, Light Horse Harry Lee,
wrote ‘The night succeeding this day of blood was rainy, dark and cold. The
dead unburied, the wounded unsheltered, the groans of the dying and the shrieks
of the living cast a deeper shade over the gloom of nature.’
“Charles
O’Hara, writing about a month later to Lord the Duke of Grafton was equally
gloomy. ‘I never did, and hope I never shall, experience two such days and
Nights as those immediately after the Battle, we remained on the very ground on
which it had been fought cover’d with Dead, with Dying and with hundreds of
wounded, Rebels as well as our own—a violent and constant Rain that lasted
about Forty hours made it equally impracticable to remove or administer the
smallest comfort to many of the Wounded.’ But a surgeon did find time to
amputate the index and middle fingers of Banastre Tarleton’s his right hand.”200
Medical
State of
the Art
“American doctors…were
still limited by a lack of scientific data and by their profession’s predilection for reasoning
rather than research as a way of discovering better forms of treatment for their
patients.…Regardless of the injury, the medical care the surgical patient was
likely to receive ran along familiar lines: ‘moderate evacuation, by bleeding,
and gentle purging, together with a low diet.’ In addition, ‘when the wounded
person has not suffered any great
loss of blood, it will be advisable to open a
vein immediately and take from the arm a very large quantity, and to repeat
bleeding the surgical patient, as circumstance require, the second, and even
the third day.’…Among the potions most highly regarded by military surgeons
were opium and bark, usually peruvian or cinchona bark, the source of quinine….
“The care of the patient
after surgery was carefully supervised both to ensure appropriate care of the
wound itself and to note and treat possible complications….Poultices were
called for when it was desired for the wound to suppurate….Turpentine, used in
the eighteenth century to combat minor bleeding, now appears to have real value
against bacteria.
“The appearance of
‘laudable pus’ was considered a good sign….Redness and heat around a wound were
seen as inevitable, as was fever in serious wounds….The average eighteenth
century surgeon was so unaware of the causes and effects of infection that, when
a colleague achieved an unusually low mortality rate, the explanation was
sought in his surgical techniques and not in his standards of cleanliness….
“The types of surgery most
commonly performed in the Army involved, of course, gunshot wounds and their
consequences….When it was realized that the ball was not poisonous, surgeons
were urged not to probe too deeply but rather let the ball remain if it could
not be located easily….
“When battle injuries
involved fractures, the question of amputation arose,
many surgeons favoring immediate amputation in compound fractures….The patient
would be fortified against these ordeals by the administration of opium and,
perhaps, rum and his ears filled with lamb’s wool to deaden the sound.” 201
Seeking Safe
Haven
The Continental Army had left the British masters of the field. “Day
was breaking, wet and gray, when Greene’s army trudged into the old encampment
at the iron works. The general was as exhausted as any private. For six weeks
he had not removed his clothes or slept in a bed. But his fatigue was lessened
by a cheerful, gossipy new letter from his vivacious wife and by the regimental
reports that began to come into his tent. For a time he feared that although he
had inflicted a severe blow on his enemy, his action had been in fine
‘unsuccessful,’ that the earl might gather himself up from the battlefield of
Guilford and march on him again. So all day long, under the pelting rain, he
had his men dig earthworks in the clay soil of the bluffs over Troublesome
Creek.”202 Slowly his mood and that of his men lifted, and with good reason.
The masters of the field were not masters very long.
“The British army stayed
two days at
Guilford Courthouse. On the second day seventeen wagons loaded with
wounded were sent back the way they had come to the Quaker settlement at
“Leaving the kindly Quaker
community, the army made a slow, painful march to the hamlet of Cross Creek
(modern
“On 7 April the exhausted
survivors of Lord Cornwallis’s ‘mad scheme’ arrived at
“On 25 April Lord Cornwallis,
relinquishing his responsibility to secure Charleston and South Carolina,
pursuing his delusion of a grand, climactic battle, turned his worn and
decimated army northward where he found more adventures and fulfilled his
American destiny in a village in Virginia called Yorktown.”204
are chiefly of a
Scotch extraction, living in mean cottages, and are much disaffected, being
great enemies to their country.”205 Lieutenant Colonel Francis Lord Rawdon
was still in Camden, now in charge of the 8,000 British and Hessian regulars
and the Tory militia scattered throughout South Carolina and Georgia.
A New Campaign
Greene had conceived a new
strategic plan. He wanted, of course, nothing less than to clear the South of all
British occupation. The first item of his new agenda was to surprise Lord
Rawdon in
Second Battle of Camden: The Battle of Hobkirk’s Hill — 25 April 1781
A List of the American Forces
Commanding General Major General Nathanael Greene
Continentals
Colonel Otho Holland Williams
Left Flank Brigade Commander
Colonel John Gunby
1st Maryland Regiment 200
[Edward was likely here.]
Captain Robert Kirkwood’s Delawares 40
Lieutenant Colonel Benjamin Ford
2nd Maryland Regiment
200
General Isaac Huger
Right Flank Brigade Commander
Lieutenant Colonel Samuel Hawes
1st (4th) Virginia Regiment 200
Lieutenant Colonel Richard Campbell
2d (5th) Virginia Regiment 200
Captain John Smith's Light Infantry Company
Lieutenant Colonel William Washington’s Cavalry 90
Colonel James Read’s
Colonel Charles Harrison’s artillery company (3 six-pounder cannon)
Garrett Watts of
On the twenty-fifth
the enemy made a sally out of
Campden and were down on our picquet before discovered. At this time the men
were, for the chief part, some washing clothes, and some were out in the
country on passes. The first that discovered the enemy were a small picquet
belonging to the light infantry, under the command of Captain Kirkwood. As soon
as the sentinels discovered them, they fired on them, and gave the alarm; upon
which the light infantry immediately turned out
and engaged them very vigorously for some time, but, being overpowered
by the superiority of their numbers, they retreated about two hundred yards
across the main road, where the main
picquet of our army was formed, and, falling in with them, renewed the fire
with so much alacrity and undaunted bravery, that they put the enemy to a stand
for some time, [Edward Arvin was
wounded “through the left shoulder” by a British officer using his spontoon. Edward “shot and killed the
officer, he being on the scouting party.”] untill, being overpowered by
the superior number of the enemy, they were obliged to retreat, not being able
any longer to withstand them, having all this time engaged the main army of the
enemy.
By this time the main army was drawn
up, and engaged them with both cannon and small arms, in which Captain
Singleton, of the Train, very much signalized himself in leveling his pieces so
well and playing with such impetuosity, that they put the army into great
confusion, having killed and dangerously wounded great numbers of them as they
crossed the main road; as did likewise Colonel Washington with his cavalry,
who, falling in with their rear, killed and wounded a great number of them,
making two hundred and fifty of them prisoners.
Our main army, being is some
confusion by this time the enemy taking them in the flank, retreated off,
leaving the enemy masters of the field of battle, however, they veary dearly
bought, they having three hundred and fifty killed and wounded in the field,
our loss not exceeding two hundred in killed, wounded and prisoners.
Lord Rawdon retreated with his army in to Campden, and
General Greene with his army retreated about four miles.
In this action the light infantry
under Captain Robert Kirkwood was returned many thanks by the General for their
gallant behaviour; as did likewise Captain [Perry]
Benson, of the Maryland Line, who signalized himself in this action, having
fought the whole time along with the infantry.”207
A letter on the
Account of the Battle
of Hobkirks Hill as some call it, or Battle of Camden as called by others,
though the ground on which it was fought is now called the Big Sand Hill above
This hill lies one
mile and three-quarters from the Court House and from where the gaol then
stood. Over this hill runs the great road leading from
Lord
Rawdons
Headquarters were in Col. Joseph Kershaws house on this hill. His troops lay
directly in front of him inside of a stockade of about 400 or 500 yards square,
supported by four redoubts, situate at the distance of about 200 or 300 yards
from each angle of it. One of these redoubts was round the gaol, from which the
British frequently fired their cannon at our officers….
While the British
lay in this situation, Gen. Greene with the American Army approached them. When
he first came he encamped on the North side of them on Hobkirks Hill, staid but
a very short time, perhaps not more than two days….He wheeled off with the
American Army went round the head of Little Pine Tree Creek and made a bridge
across Big Pine Tree Creek three miles above Camden, came around and appeared
below on the Southeast and Southward of Camden.
This maneuver had
an excellent effect. It alarmed the British very much: it threatened their
mills from which most of their bread stuff was drawn, it divided their Forces….It
insulated Lord Rawdon himself and jeopardized his retreat.
Gen. Greene
remained but a few days below
Gen. Greene
arrived at Hobkirks at night and encamped on it in battle order, his right
extending a short distance to the west of the Great Road and his left reaching
to the East end of the hill near Martins Spring. Here the hill is of very easy
ascent and this spring and the Branch that runs from it contained the only
water that was to be found near the American Troops. From this end of the hill
a road led off Southeast towards the mill now Carters, and another old obscure
road directly towards the town parallel to the
It was late in the
evening on the 24th of April (1781) that Gen. Greene pitched his camp here,
without artillery and apparently without cavalry or Militia; for Col.
Washington with his cavalry and about 250 North Carolina Militia under Col.
Meade were encamped about 2 or 3 miles in the rear. In the night or early
morning a deserter from the Americans went to the enemy and informed Lord
Rawdon of Gen. Greenes situation.
This deserter did
not know of Washingtons and the militia being in the rear. His Lordship
immediately had the redoubts all manned with Negroes and Tories and every man
of his whole army, in the most silent and secret manner, without any drums,
fife horn or any noise or general parade all went off as they got ready, the
cavalry first, then men and officers all on foot leading their horses, the
infantry following in open order and trailed arms, taking down the valley in
the Southeast corner of the town, in the opposite direction from where the
American Troops lay, lest some of them might happen to be down and discover
them marking out; this was about ten oclock in the forenoon of the 25th April.
The weather had been dry and it was a beautiful clear sunshiny day rather warm
for the season of the year.
The British were
soon behind the hill on which their headquarters stood and of course well
concealed, they proceeded up along the side of the swamp until they arrived at
Col. Kershaws upper mill and thence along the road or along the miry branch up
to Martins Spring at the East end of Hobkirks Hill. They had no doubt got in
close order before this time and their cavalry detached off to their left so as
to fall into the
The British
marched on until discovered by Kirkwood who attacked and fought them with great
resolution until overwhelmed, the British displayed to the left, which brought them upon our pickets by whom
they were attacked in turn, the British did not fire but pressed directly forward
with charged bayonets and drove our pickets in. [Edward and the British 
officer were in mortal combat at this point.]
Kirkwoods muskets gave the first alarm to the Americans, several of whom were
at the spring cooking and washing and had to run a considerable distance before
they got to their arms which were stacked in the very line they had to form.
However, the most if not all of them did get to their arms and were regularly
formed in battle array. The Virginia Brigade with Gen. (Isaac) Huger at its
head having under him Lieut. Cols. (Richard) Campbell and (Samuel) Hawes, took
the right, the Maryland Brigade led by Col. (Otho Holland) Williams, seconded
by Col. John Gunby and Lieut. Cols. (John) Ford and (John Eager) Howard
occupied the left. Thus all the Continentals consisting of four regiments much
reduced in strength were disposed in one line, with the artillery under
Gen. Greene having
his men now formed was much pleased with the opportunity so unexpectedly
offered of a battle with the enemy not doubting that he would in a few hours be
in
The British when
they first attacked near the spring pressed directly forward and succeeded in
turning our left. Their left had displayed towards our right under cover of
thick woods and could scarcely be seen except by our pickets until they began
to rise the hill (which is about 150 or 60 yards from bottom to top). Their
cavalry had reached the Great Road and advanced in close order and slow step up
the hill directly in front of our cannon which had just arrived and opened on
them in the broad road a well directed fire with canister and grape did great
execution and soon cleared the road so that all their doctors were sent to take
care of the wounded. Washingtons Cavalry coming up at this moment completed the
rout of the York Volunteers took all the British doctors or surgeons and a
great many others prisoners, more than one third of
Our left was some
what turned or yielding, our Col. Ford was wounded but the men were neither
killed nor prisoners. The left of the British at least their cavalry were
routed, many killed and many prisoners. Lord Rawdon hearing the cannon, and
seeing his horse dispersed was stunned and astonished beyond measure, ordered
the deserter to be hung and galloping up to the scene of disaster was quickly
surrounded by Washingtons Horse and his sword demanded. One of his aids
received a severe wound from the sword of a dragoon. Lord Rawdon is a man of
uncommon address. This was a critical moment. Although our left was giving way
yet Gen. Huger on our right was gaining ground and was beginning to advance
upon the enemy and Col. Gunbys Regiment of brave soldiers, veterans of the
Maryland line had all got to their arms were well formed and in good order, but
too impatient waiting the word of Command some of them began to fire in
violation of orders and seeing the British infantry up the hill in front of
the_________. Col. Gunby suffered them to come up within the few paces and then
ordered his men to charge without firing, those near him hearing the word first
rushed forward, whereby the regiment was moving forward in the form of a bow.
Col. Gunby ordered a halt until the wings should become straight; this turned
the fate of the day. Previously being ordered not to fire and now ordered to
halt, while the British were coming up with charged bayonets, before the
colonel could be understood and repeat the charge the enemy were in among them
and made them give way….
The scene was
quickly changed. Washingtons Dragoons were not attacked by horse and foot and
the very prisoners that they had mounted behind them seized the Arms of their
captors and over came them. General Greene now ordered a retreat and pushed on
Washingtons Cavalry to Saunders Creek which lay 4 miles in the rear to halt the
troops and stop the stragglers should there be any either from the militia or
regulars to make off; in this he succeeded; carrying off with him all the
British surgeons and several officers….
I am with great
Respect yours,
Samuel Mathis .
26 June 1819
To: Genl. W. R. Davie
Lord Rawdon soon realized he
could no longer hold
The Siege
of Ninety Six —
May-June 1781
Despite his mixed results at
Hobkirk’s Hill, a determined Greene and his Continental Army lost no time in
setting out on his next objective: the outpost of Ninety Six. “We marched from
Campden on the 12th [May], leaving a
guard to destroy the works, and proceeded in our march for Ninety-Six.”208 Although
he was unfamiliar with its tactics, Greene attempted a classic eighteenth
century siege of the British-occupied town of Ninety Six, where Lt. Col. John Harris
Cruger was in command. Edward does not mention participating in this siege,
perhaps because he did not actually consider it a battle. We know, however,
that he was not in the British hospital at
As
for General Greene, supplies as always were on his mind. “In May, Greene moved
against Ninety Six, SC. For a month, all supplies were directed to here….Fourteen
clothing wagons moved south in a convoy including another eight to ten
ammunition wagons. The shipment reached
1781 June 12
Otho [
[He] is well
despite great fatigue and danger; Camden [S.C.], Fort Watson [S.C.], Fort
Mott[e, S.C.], Fort Granby [S.C.], Nellsons [Nelson's] Ferry [S.C.], George
Town [S.C.], Fort Dreadnought [S.C.], and Augusta [Ga.] have all been reduced
[by the Americans] or abandoned [by the British]; British hold now only Charles
Town [Charleston], [Fort] Ninety-Six in South Carolina, and Savannah, Georgia;
Pensacola [Fla.] is said to be taken and [St.] Augustine to be under siege by
the Spaniards; they have now been besieging Ninety-Six for three weeks and will
take it unless the British get reinforcements….murders are committed daily by
pretended Whigs and reputed Tories; recent American successes have checked the
vicious influence of the British, and the fall of Ninety-Six may unite all the
people in a confidence in the United States….hopes to terminate this tour of
duty soon, and to get back to his friends….
[MHS, OH Williams
Papers, (1 of 8, item 106)]
1781 June 23
Otho [Holland
WILLIAMS], Bush river, S. C. To Elie WILLIAMS,
…Southern Army
invested Ninety-Six on May 22, and continued the siege until June 20, when they
had to give it up; everyone deserves great credit….of the men, 58 were killed,
69 were wounded and 20 are missing; the Southern Army took one of the redoubts
and, in a few days, would have taken the whole, but for the arrival of Lord
Rawdon with reinforcements; got into the ditch of the strongest [British] fort,
but could not hold it….does not know what Gen. Greene is going to do next….have
not enough officers left to command the small remnant of veterans still left….hopes
to get home to Maryland in the fall; Greene will grant him any proper
indulgence, and he [Otho H.] would not wish to leave the field at any improper
time, for fear of disappointing Greene.
[MHS, OH Williams
Papers (1 of 8, item 107)]
Lt. Col. 
Francis Lord Rawdon marched in to
Ninety Six to great cheers, only to march out again within a few days. With the
abandonment of
In the heat of that summer the Continental
Army resided on the High Hills of the Santee in
“In preparation for winter, another shipment
of Continental clothing had been sent….the regimental coats were…blue coats
with red facings. The vests and breeches were white.
“Greene continued to expand cloth, shoe
and boot replacement throughout the year. In September 1781, he was already planning
for the coming spring by ordering more overalls produced in
The Battle of
Eutaw Springs — 8
September 1781 
A new field commander had replaced Lt.
Col. Lord Rawdon, but again the British found that they kept winning the
battles and losing the war. Eutaw Springs, perhaps the bloodiest battle ever
fought in the War for
Greene had rested and restored his army, and
its size had actually swollen to 2000 with the addition of substantial numbers
of militia. Sergeant-Major Seymour begins the tale. “This day our army was in
motion before daybreak, resolved to fight the British Army. We marched in the follow
order of battle, viz: the South and North Carolina Militia in front and
commanded by Generals Marion and Pickens, having Colonel Lee’s horse and
infantry on their left. The second line was composed of infantry on their left.
The second line was composed of North Carolina Regulars, Virginians and
Marylanders, with two three-pounders and two six-pounders. Colonel
“Greene ordered his second line—the
“Lee’s Legion, however, poured a raking
fire into the British left, and the Virginians and
The
retreat of the British army lay directly through their encampment, where tents
were all standing, and presented many objects to tempt a thirsty, naked and
fatigued soldiery….Nor was the concealment afforded by the tents…a trivial
consideration, for the fire from the windows of the house was galling and
destructive, and no cover from it was anywhere to be found except in the
tents….
Here it was that the American lines got
into irretrievable confusion. When their officers had proceeded beyond the
encampment, they found themselves nearly abandoned by their soldiers, and the
sole marks for the party who now poured their fire from the windows of the
house….
Everything now combined to blast the
prospects of the American Commander. The fire from the house showered down
destruction upon the American officers; and the men, unconscious or unmindful
of the consequences…fastened upon liquors and refreshments they afforded, and
became utterly unmanageable….
By this time General Greene, being made
acquainted with the extent of his misfortune, ordered a retreat.215
Only John Eager Howard had been able to
restrain his troops, the
“Four long blazing hours Greene’s army had
lived on that terrible field, where the fighting had been the most obstinate
the general had ever seen.”216 Three days later, Williams wrote to his brother:
1781 Sep. 11
O[tho] H[olland]
WILLIAMS, Trout Spring [S.C.]. To Elie WILLIAMS,
Victory is ours,
after one of the bloodiest battles ever fought in America; Gen. [Nathanael]
Greene was determined to drive the enemy from the Up Country; he [Greene] drove
Lt. Col. [Alexander] Stewart as far as Eutaw [S.C.]….our [the American] vivacity
equalled the obstinacy of the enemy…and the number of wounded is not yet
certain…a great number now sleep in the Bed of Honor; Our success was so near
being compleat that Officers at the door of Coll. Stewarts Head Quarters were
killed and taken; Greene withdrew his forces a few miles, to a spring where his
men could refresh themselves; the enemy, after destroying a great many stores,
abandoned their position on the evening of September 9, leaving many wounded,
and about 1000 stand of arms mostly broken; Greene has followed the enemy more
than 20 miles, forcing them to give up a strong position…the enemy are now at
Monks Corner [S.C.], about 30 miles from Charles Town [
[MHS, OH Williams
Papers, (1 of 8, item 115)]
The
final return would show 139 American dead, 375 wounded, 8 missing. Stuart lost
866 in all, more than 40% of his force. His army was no longer fit for
operations in the field. He did indeed withdraw to 
a Gold Medal for his actions at
Eutaw Springs.
Lt. 
They would still be acquainted after more than half a century.
In modern times, most of the battle site was submerged when
Over the next few days, Sergeant-Major
Seymour, “marched with the army on the road leading to
“On
the day following Eutaw Springs, a French fleet sailed into Chesapeake Bay in 
1781, with the French ground and naval assistance, American
forces had trapped him. His long and fruitless “mad scheme” now ended by the
siege, time had come for the British commander to pay the piper. But he
couldn’t bear to surrender his army in person to the American
Commander-in-Chief. “Lord Cornwallis, pleading illness, had told
Brigadier-General Charles O’Hara to represent him. O’Hara tried to hand over
his sword to the Comte de Rochambeau but the French officer would not accept.
‘We are subordinate to the Americans,’ he said, ‘General Washington will give
you orders.’
“O’Hara turned away and rode over to offer
his sword to the American Commander-in-Chief. But, as Lord Cornwallis was not
there,
“‘The play, sir,’
“On the day the surrender was signed,
Admiral Graves and Sir Henry Clinton, with seven thousand men aboard their
fleet, sailed at last out into the Atlantic past Sandy Hook south of New York.
Five days later they reached the mouth of the Chesapeake Bay, where they
encountered a small boat with a white man and two blacks who brought them the
news from
“The ships turned round and sailed away
north again, back to
Word of the surrender of Cornwallis reached
the Southern Department a few days later. Captain Kirkwood recorded in his
journal, “Received Intelligence of the Surrender of Lord Cornwallaces whole
Army to his Excellency Genl.
“Within five weeks dispatches containing
news of Cornwallis’s surrender at Yorktown were brought to
Not quite. The war in the South would still
take many months to play out.
1781 Nov. 10
Otho [
Lt. Col. [John
Eager] Howard, a very valuable Officer and Friend, wounded at Eutaw [S.C.], is
leaving camp in a day or two, and will forward this letter from
Baltimore; the success of Gen. [George] Washington in Virginia overshadows
their [Southern Army’s] exploits, but they are still happy, nevertheless; hopes
that, when the troops now expected from Virginia arrive, they will be able to
lay siege to Charles Town [Charleston, S.C.], the only enemy garrison now left
in the state; they [Southern Army] are only the remnant of an army, and can
engage the enemy only when the militia bring up their numbers to the fighting
point; season has been exceedingly sickly, but the men are now recovering; fall
of Charles Town depends somewhat on the arrival of the French fleet which has
plenty to do in the West Indies; hopes by next spring to have Charles Town back
in the United States, and himself back in Maryland; Gen. [Nathanael] Greene is
his friend and has promised him every indulgence consistent with the good of
the Service;
[MHS, OH Williams
Papers, (1 of 8, item 128)]
Seventeen
Eighty-Two
General Greene and the reinforced
Southern army had established winter quarters along the
The war dragged on, and the
troops were becoming bored, restless and homesick. They complained about their
lack of pay. Otho Holland Williams, now a brigadier general, stationed back in
1782 July 7
O[tho] H[olland]
WILLIAMS,
Communicates to the
Governor the complaints of the Maryland line now with the Southern Army;
Maryland troops have endured fatigue and danger with firmness and their
complaints
have always been humble and respectful; generals in charge of the Southern Army
[Horatio Gates and Nathanael Greene] have been satisfied with their behavior;
they are the only troops that have constantly kept the field since the spring
of 1780 without a shilling of pay, real or nominal, without a[n adequate]
supply of clothing... and without any other subsistence than... they have
occasionally collected by force of arms; they have stood the neglect of their
country [Maryland] without mutiny or disaffection; others, onlisted in the same
service with them, have received bounties for three years when they got none;
all the corps reinforcing them have received cash for pay and subsistence
before they would leave the state where they were recruited; the officers, of
course, will submit to every sort of injustice, but the common soldiers, being
men of less consideration, may cause trouble; asks the Governor and Council to
petition Congress to have the minister of finance take part of the specie
raised in Maryland for the pay of the Maryland troops; speedy action of this
sort would silence the compliants of the soldiers.
[
The
“By the middle of 1782, the American
operations in the South had been successful, only
“…Gist ordered Laurens, with the Delaware
Regiment, to hasten to Cheraw Point and reinforce the artillery there, the rest
of the brigade to follow….As Laurens’ party came up they were met with a sudden
volley. Laurens was killed and a number of men shot down….Gist tried to
dislodge them, but failed….Gist then rejoined the army and his brigade was not
again engaged during the war.
“In
November 1782, after Gist’s withdrawal, Captain William Wilmott was left with a
small force to harass the enemy and guard John’s
1782 Nov. 12
N[athanael] GREENE,
Received
[Williams'] letter of October 1 a day or so ago; sorry he has such bad rheumatism,
and urges him to be persevering and patient in the use of the waters; would be
happy to have him in the field but has no command for even the officers now
with him; all except one regiment each of the Pennsylvania and Maryland Lines
are going home in a day or so; Gen. [Mordecai] Gist has been ill ever since
Combahee where [Col. John] Laurens fell [August 27, 1782]; Delaware troops are
also going home; first and third regiments of light dragoons are now
incorporated into one, under the command of Major [John] Swan for the present,
but [Col. George] Baylor and [Col. William Augustine] Washington are arranged
[sic] to it; Congress and the Board of War are going to keep only full corps in
the field, and where a state has not enough to form a corps, to have the number
of officers proportional to the men; for this reason, many [of Williams']
officers are to return….thinks the enemy will be all gone by a day or two;
there were 18,000 [enemy] troops in the Southern Department last year, besides
more than 2,000 militia and 1,000 Negroes, an amazing difference between their
forces and ours; does not yet know how he and his forces will spend the winter;
expects a great frolic when they enter Charlestown [Charleston, S.C.]
[
The
Evacuation of 
After
“Greene’s little army upon the Ashley,
composed of troops from North and South Carolina, Georgia, Virginia,
“The British sailed off in three hundred
ships, taking with them over thirteen thousand Tory inhabitants and captured
slaves from
A Hessian
account of the departure warned that, “…no citizen should open a door or a
window in three days, much less should one let himself be seen on the street on
pain of punishment until the end. Moreover if any one transgresses in other
respects by firing guns and other excesses during the out-march to the water,
he will be at once taken in custody and sent to Nova Scotia upon a wild, wild
island, where there is no wood…”
“When we came to the water, some
small vessels lay there on which we proceeded to the big ships and then
departed from the city up the harbor.”
“General 
Leslie and suite reached 
established the Southern Army headquarters at John Rutledge’s home in
town. John Rutledge had been succeeded as governor by his younger brother
Edward, whose mansion was just across
A little later in December, Greene moved his
forces to
End of the War
Effective 1 January 1783,
The
The final departure of the American army from
Head Quarters May 20th 1783
Dear Sir
I have sent home a number of the sick and
convalescent soldiers, belonging to the States of
Maryland
and
require an immediate
removal to the Northward.
The
=polis, and Genl
Smallwood as the
Officer command
ing in
on their future destination.
The
will land at the Head of Elk and cross by
land to
Christeen & from there
go to
The Officers who accompany the troops are without cash
to defray the expenses after landing. This you will
please to give orders on. I am with great esteem.
as must be: the hble ye
NathGreene
Major Genl Lincoln
“On May 26 Congress ordered that all men
were to march home under the control of officers; at the same time, it allowed
them to keep their arms as a bonus….Washington announced the furlough policy on
2 June 1783….The rest of the Army, including the troops from the Southern and
Western Departments, went home on furlough.”230 But as of early July, 1783,
troops were still in
...we marched down and crossed Ashley River at Bacon's Bridge, on to
Head Quarters on Ashley Hill where the main army was encamped under General
Greene....--The Declarant recollects Generals Greene and Gist-
He does not recollect any other officers. We remained here about
three months,
when we marched about six miles to
crossing the Trapson[?] Gulf which reaches from
encamped on
1783. On this day, the Artillery fired one round with the cannon, and
the
Infantry fired two rounds, one running fire and one fire by
platoons….the day
after we went to
officers, that the
to join them. We left
fork of the road twelve miles from
discharged. Declarant's discharge was handed to him by his Orderly
Sergeant
Sturdevant; by whom it was signed, does not know, being illiterate.
232
Home at Last
At long last, Edward and his fellow
Marylanders left the South. Rather than having to march, they were shipped home.
“In July, transports arrived at
This was a bittersweet time for him and
his comrades. In his “Narrative,” Sergeant Joseph Plumb Martin described his release from the army up
in
“Some of the soldiers went off for home
the same day that their fetters were knocked off; others stayed and got their
final settlement certificates, which they sold to procure decent clothing and
money sufficient to enable them to pass with decency through the country and to
appear something like themselves when they arrived among their friends. I was
among those….I…sold some of them and purchased some decent clothing and then
set off.”233
Edward was now a survivor of more than four
years of the hardships and deprivations of war. He was just an ordinary person,
but he had lived through an extraordinary time and circumstance. His
sacrifices, along with those of his officers and comrades, bought
Edward probably again lived with his
parents in the old Zachia Manor in
Meanwhile, the end of the War for
The
definitive peace treaty with
Death of Nathanael Greene
Like so many other Americans, Nathanael
Greene and his wife Caty entered the post-war era with a large family—they had
five children. Grateful for what the general had done for his country, the
State of
“On June 11, Nathanael and Caty
drove to
“On the way home in the carriage, Nathanael
suddenly complained of a severe headache, and upon arriving at Mulberry Grove
he immediately went to bed. The headache continued all through the next day and
became intense the following morning. Alarmed, Caty summoned Dr. John Brickel,
a
“At dawn on June 19, 1786 Caty sat in a
chair, weeping silently. On the bed nearby lay the body of her husband, her
greatest admirer, her staunchest friend. Anthony Wayne sent the word to
When the news reached
S A V A N N A H, June
22.
On
Monday last, the 19 
th of June, died at
his
seat
near
major-general in the army of the
on
Tuesday morning his remains were brought to
town to be
interred. The melancholy account of
his
death was made known by the discharge of mi-
nute
guns from
harbour
had their colours half-masted ; the shops
and stores in town
were shut ; and every class of
citizens, suspending their ordinary occupations,
united in giving testimonies of the deepest sorrow.
The several military
corps in town, and a
great
part of the militia of
the funeral.
General Greene left behind
him a wife and five
children ; the eldest of whom is about eleven years
of age.
The loss of such a man, to such a family,
must be truly afflicting!
“Thy darts, O death! that fly
promiscuous round,
“In such a victim many others wound.”
Researched and written by Robert
Joseph Arvin, Jr. © Copyright
A.D. 2007
Continued in Edward Darnall Arvin Part 2 – The Post-War Years
Notes
1. Nicholas Creswell, The Journal of Nicholas Creswell 1774-1777 (1924), p 17, 57, as
quoted by Jean B. Lee in The Price of
Nationhood (1994), p 118
2. Mrs. G. W. Hedges, Unpublished Revolutionary War Records of
State Archives, Revolutionary War Papers,
3. Louise Joyner Hienton, History of Prince George’s Heritage, Sidelights on the Early History of
Prince George’s
County, Maryland from 1696 to 1800 (1972),
p 176
4. J.
Thomas Scharf, History of
Hienton,
Heritage, p176
5. Ronald Hoffman, A Spirit of Dissension (1973), p 167
6. Fred Anderson Berg, Encyclopedia of Continental Army Units (1972), p 42
7. National Archives and Records Administration (
Records, Revolutionary War Pension Applications,
Record Group 93, Microcopy 804, Reel 408
8. Hienton, Prince
George’s Heritage, p 178-179
9. Scharf, History
of
10. Rieman Steuart, A History of The
11.
12. Hienton,
Prince George’s Heritage, p 182
13.
14. Berg, Encyclopedia, p 31-32
15. Steuart,
The
16. Samuel Stelle Smith, Winter at
17. Steuart,
History, p 3
18. Jean
B. Lee, Price of Nationhood, p 164
19.
20. Lee,
Nationhood, p 164
21. Arthur
J. Alexander, “How
(1942), Vol. 42, pp 187-188, 190
22. Lee,
Nationhood, p 165-167; “Bernard Elliott’s Recruiting Journal,” The South Carolina Historical and
Genealogical Magazine, Vol. 17, No. 3, (July 1916), p 96
23. MSA,
Vol. 21, p 469
24. MSA,
Vol. 21, p 470-471
25. MSA,
Vol. 12, p 212, as quoted by Edward C. Papenfuse, In Pursuit of Profit, The Annapolis Merchants in The
Era of The American Revolution 1763-1805 (1976),
p 83
26. Maryland
Historical Society, Otho Holland Williams papers (1 of 8, item 143)
27. Smallwood’s Essay on Speculation,
Executive Papers, as cited by Papenfuse,
In Pursuit of Profit, p 94
28. The Maryland
Gazette, 1 August 1776 and 27 February 1777; MSA, 43:96, 581-82; both as
cited by Papenfuse, In
Pursuit of Profit, pp 85, 93
29. Dr. Mary C. Gillett, The Army Medical Department 1775-1818 (1990), p 14
30. ibid, p 7
31. MSA, Vol. 21, p 471
32. MSA, Vol. 21, p 158
33. W. C. Ford, ed., Journals of the Continental Congress (1907),
Vol. 3, p 323
34. Library of Congress (LOC),
Manuscript Division (MsD), Peter Force Collection, Series 8D, Microfilm 17137,
Reel
55, Item 129
35. Varick Transcripts of
17137, Reel
55, Item 129
36. MSA, Maryland State Papers (Red Books) Vol. 25,
folio 58
37. MSA, Musters of
38. Charles H. Lesser, ed. The Sinews of
p 124
39. John Buchanan, The Road to Guilford Courthouse (John Wiley & Sons Ltd. 1997
(wiley.com)), p 127-129
40. Adolf Edward Zucker, General
41. Richard L. Blanco and Paul J. Sanborn, eds., The American Revolution 1775-1783, An Encyclopedia (1993),
Vol. 2, p 1590-1595
42. Zucker,
43. Smith,
44. ibid,
p 5-7
45. Zucker,
46. Thomas R. Bard, “Journal of Lt.
Robert Parker”
Vol. 28, p 23
47. S. Sydney Bradford, “Hunger Menaces the
Revolution, December, 1779—January, 1780”
Magazine
(March 1966), Vol. 61, p 2-3
48. Smith,
49. George F. Scheer and Hugh F. Rankin, Rebels & Redcoats (World Publishing
Co., 1957), p 422
50. Smith,
51. Zucker,
52. John C. Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George Washington, Vol. 17, p 273-274, as quoted by
David F. Burg in An
Eyewitness, The American Revolution (2001), p 270
53.
54. ibid, p
14-15
55. Smith,
56. Scheer and Rankin, Rebels & Redcoats, p 424
57. Leonard Lundin, Cockpit of the Revolution (1940), p 420
58. Zucker,
59. Lawrence
E. Babits, “Supplying the Southern Continental Army, March 1780 to September
1781” Military
Collector & Historian, Vol. 48, 4
(Winter 1995), p 164-165
60. Zucker,
61. Buchanan,
Road to
62. Babits,
“Supplying the Southern…” p 164-165
63. Rev.
Joseph Brown Turner, ed., The Journal and
Order Book of Captain Robert Kirkwood of the
Regiment of the Continental Line (1910),
Part 1, p 9.
64. Zucker, p 200
65. ibid, p 190-191
66. Babits,
“Supplying…” p 165
67. Zucker,
p 200
68. ibid, p 200-201
69. ibid, p 201
70. ibid, p 203
71. Babits,
“Supplying…” p 165
72. Zucker,
p 203
73. ibid, p 205
74. ibid, p 206
75. ibid, p 208
76. William
J. Casey, Where and How the War was
Fought (1976), p 296
77. LOC,
MsD, Peter Force Collection 8D, Microfilm 17137, Reel 67, Item 159
78. Zucker, p 210-213
79. Lieut. Col. H. L. Landers, The
80. Zucker,
p 210-213
81. ibid, p 214
82. Dan
Higginbotham, The War of American
83. Zucker,
p 215
84. Landers,
Battle of
85. William
Seymour, “Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783, by William Seymour,
Sergeant-Major of the
86. Buchanan,
87. Buchanan, p 155
88. Scheer and Rankin, Rebels & Redcoats, p 468
89. Zucker, p 220
90. ibid, p 220
91. Landers, p 24-25
92. Scheer
and Rankin, p 468
93. Zucker,
p 220-221
94. Landers,
p 38-40
95. Zucker,
p 221
96.
Landers, p 38-40
97.
Zucker, p 222-223; Landers, p 40-54
98.
Landers, p 40-54
99.
Zucker, p 222-223
100. Landers, p 40-54
101. “Pension
Application of Garret
102.
Zucker, p 223
103. Landers, p 40-54
104. Christopher
Ward, The War of the Revolution (1952),
as quoted by Zucker, p 223
105.
Christopher Hibbert, Redcoats and Rebels, the American Revolution
through British Eyes (1991), p 278
106.
107. Buchanan,
p 171-172
108. Landers, p
40-54
109.
110.
111.
Brothers Who Served in the South
During the American Revolution,” Maryland
Historical Magazine, Vol. 84,
No. 4 (Winter 1989), p 379-386
112. Benson
J. Lossing, Lossing’s Pictorial Field
Book of the Revolution (1852), Vol. 2, Chap 25
113.
114. Seymour,
p 289; Gates
to Washington, 3 September 1780, p 66; Otho H. Williams, Brigade and
Regimental Orders, 12 September 1780,
Revolutionary War Collection, MSA MS 768, as quoted by Lawrence
E. Babits, “The ‘Fifth’ Maryland at Guilford Courthouse: An Exercise in
Historical Accuracy,” Maryland
Historical Magazine (1989),Vol. 83, No. 4,
p 370-378
115. Ross M. Kimmel, In Perspective, William Smallwood (1976),
not paginated
116. Scheer and Rankin, p 475-476
117. Website: battleofcamden.org (courtesy of Kershaw County Historical Society)
118.
Scheer and Rankin, p 476
119. Dan Higginbotham, Daniel Morgan, Revolutionary Rifleman (1961), p 115
120. Babits,
“Supplying the Southern Army,” p 165, 169
121. ibid, p
165, 169
122. ibid, p
166
123. Buchanan, p 160-161
124.
2001), p 23
125.
Scheer and Rankin, p 491
126. Higginbotham, Morgan, pp 107, 109-110
127. ibid,
p 108
128.
129.
130.
Scheer and Rankin, p 491
131. Higginbotham, Morgan, p 112
132.
133. Buchanan, p
292 (letter to Alexander Hamilton on 2
Nov 1780)
134. Babits, Whipping,
p 168: footnote for Chapter 2 (Greene’s letter to
135.
136. Scheer and Rankin, p 487
137. ibid,
p 487-488
138. Buchanan, p 275
139. Scheer and Rankin, p 489-490
140.
141. MHS, “OH
Williams Papers,” 23 January 1781 (1 of 8, item 85)
142. Ross M. Kimmel, In Perspective, William Smallwood (1976), not paginated
143. Scheer and Rankin, p 490, 492
144. Babits, Whipping,
p 6
145. Buchanan, p 276
146. Secretary of War Dwight L. Davis, Historical Statements Concerning Battle of
King’s Mountain and Battle of
Cowpens SC (1928), p 54-61
147. Babits, “Supplying,” p 166
148. Scheer and Rankin, p 490-491
149. Davis, King’s
Mountain and Battle of Cowpens, p 54-61
150. Scheer and Rankin, p 492-493
151.
152. William B.
Reed, Life and Correspondence of Joseph
Reed (1847), Vol. 2, p 344-346, as excerpted by Albert
Bushnell Hart, ed., “Building of the
Republic,” American History Told by
Contemporaries (1899), p 609-612
153. William J.
Casey, Where and How the War Was Fought (1976), p 300
154.
155. Scheer and
Rankin, p 492-493
156.
157. Thomas Young, “Memoir of a Revolutionary
Patriot of
p 84-88
158. Rev. James Hodge Saye, Memoirs of Major Joseph McJunkin, Revolutionary Patriot, (1837)
159.
Lawrence Everheart,” Papers Relating
Chiefly to the
160.
161. John M. Roberts, ed., James P. Collins, Autobiography
of a Revolutionary Soldier (1859)
162. Babits, Whipping,
p 101
163.
164. Babits, Whipping,
p 101
165. Henry Lee, The Campaign of 1781 in the Carolinas (1824), note 97-98
166. Patrick O’ Kelley, Nothing but Blood and Slaughter (2004), Vol. 3, p 48-49
167. Roderick Mackenzie, Strictures on Lt.-Col. Tarleton’s “History of the Campaigns of 1780 and
1781.” (1787),
p 100-101
168. Scheer and Rankin, p 498-499
169. J.
B. O’Neill, “Revolutionary Incidents—Memoir of Joseph M’Junkin, of
p 39
170. Online Archives of the
171. Online Archives of the South Carolina
Historical Society: Cowpens Papers: Being Correspondence of
General Morgan and the Prominent Actors,
from the collection of Theodorus Bailey Myers, pp. 37-38
Document ID: Myers, p. 38, Date:
3/09/1781. The auction was the Lucien M. LaRiviere sale of 21 May 2001, by Bowers and Merena Galleries. See
also the website of the Department of State.
172. O’ Kelley, Blood and Slaughter, Vol. 3, p 50
173.
174. Buchanan, p 338
175. ibid,
p 351
176.
177. Babits, “Supplying…” p 166
178. Buchanan, p 352
179. ibid, p
355
180. Scheer and Rankin, p 507
181. ibid, p
507
182.
183. Buchanan, p 358
184. ibid,
p 358
185. ibid, p
359
186. ibid,
p 360
187. Babits, “Supplying…” p 169
188. Buchanan, p 362, 365
189.
190.
191. Buchanan, p 369
192. John C. Dann, ed., “Pension Application of
Garret
193. Scheer and Rankin, p 513-514
194. Babits, “An Exercise…” p 370-378
195. Buchanan,
p 373
196. ibid, p 373
197. Scheer and
Rankin, pp 516, 517
198. Buchanan,
p 378
199. ibid, p 379-381.
The tradition that Cornwallis ordered his own men to be fired upon has recently been challenged by authors Lawrence E. Babits and Joshua B. Howard in Long, Obstinate, and Bloody, The Battle of Guilford Courthouse. (2009, University of North Carolina Press. www.uncpress.edu) They contend the story first appeared in Memoirs by Henry Lee and has been simply retold by later authors. The incident was never mentioned by Cornwallis or O'Hara in their own accounts of the battle, and Lee was engaged in his own struggle more than a quarter of a mile away at the time.
200. ibid, p 381
201. Dr. Mary C. Gillett, The Army Medical Department 1775-1818 (1990), pp 1, 14-18
202. Scheer and Rankin, p 520
203. Buchanan, p 382-383
204. ibid, p 382-383
205.
206. Dann, Revolution
Remembered, p 196
207.
208. ibid,
p 383
209. E-mail from Prof. Lawrence E. Babits, who has
seen “quite a complete” list of the people in it
210. Babits, “Supplying…” p 167. (Note 47:
211.
212. Babits, “Supplying…” p 168
213.
214. Scheer and Rankin, p 535
215. Robert W. Gibbs, Documentary History of the American Revolution (1853-57), Vol. 3, p
149-156
216. Scheer and Rankin, p 538
217.
218. Scheer and Rankin, p 539
219. Hibbert, Redcoats
and Rebels, p 330-331
220.
221. Hibbert, p 333
222. Lesser, Sinews,
p 240
223.
224. ibid,
p 390
225. Lesser, p 240, note H
226.
227. “Evacuation of
p 826-830
228. Lesser, p 142
229. Robert K. Wright, The Continental Army (1983), p 179
230. ibid,
p 179
231. Pension Application,
232. Hienton, Prince
George’s Heritage, p 197
233. Joseph Plumb Martin, A Narrative of Some of the Adventures, Dangers and Sufferings of A
Revolutionary
Soldier (1830), p 202-204
234. Wright, Continental
Army, p 180-181
235. John F. and Janet A. Stegeman, Caty, A Biography of Catherine Littlefield
Greene (1977), p 124
Images
Portraits of Continental Army officers by Charles Willson Peale, courtesy of National Park Service, Museum Mangement Program (http://www.cr.nps.gov/museum/) Independence National Historic Park collection.
Washington Crossing the Delaware by Emmanuel Leutze (1851), courtesy New York Metropolitan Museum of Art (http://www.metmuseum.org) Washington and Lafayette at Valley Forge by John Ward Dunsmore, courtesy of Library of Congress, American Memory collection (http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/browse) Maps of The Highlands, New Jersey, North Carolina and South Carolina, courtesy of Library of Congress, American Memory collection Buttermilk Falls from Panorama of the Hudson River, 1846 by William Wade
Morristown encampment: images from NPS Handbook 120, Morristown (1975), illustrated by Don Troiani, courtesy of the National Park Service.
Battle of Camden by Alonzo Chappell, courtesy of The National Archives.
De Kalb Wounded at Camden by E. Benjamin Andrews (1895), De Kalb Monument by Benjamin Lossing (1850) and Charleston in 1780 by Benjamin Lossing (1851), all courtesy of University of Southern Florida, Clipart ETC (http://usf.edu/clipart/sitemap/sitemap.htm) Lt. Col. Banastre Tarleton by Sir Joshua Reynolds and Lord Cornwallis by Thomas Gainsborough, courtesy of National Portrait Gallery, London (http://www.npg.uk/live/index.asp) Battle of Cowpens by William Ramey (1845) Surrender at Yorktown by John Trumbull (1820)
Schematic maps of Battle of Cowpens: images from A Devil of a Whipping, by Lawrence E. Babits, courtesy of
Militia at Guilford Courthouse by Don Troiani, courtesy of NPS Museum Management Program
The First Maryland Regiment Holding the Line at Guilford Courthouse courtesy of The United States Army Center for Military History. (http://www.army.cmh-pg/)