The story of the Indian attack on Jamestown and how "Chanco" purportedly saved the colony
But was his name Chanco and is he the only native American to give warning? The evidence says otherwise.
Compiled by Roy Johnson, royjNO!SPAM@Webster.edu (remove the NO!SPAM
This plaque is on the highway near the area of Pace's Paines, the plantation of Richard Pace:
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First, let's retell the story as it has usually been told, then examine the evidence.
Openchancanough, the paramount chief of the Powhatan Indians, ordered an attack to drive out the English who were encroaching on Indian lands. The attack was to occur on March 22, 1621 by the Julian calendar, but most accounts use the Gregorian date 1622. Explanation
Richard Pace had a plantation called Pace's Paines across the river and three miles upstream from Jamestown. According to the popular story, in his home was an Indian youth named Chanco. Sources differ on whether this youth was indentured to Richard Pace or to his friend William Perry.
Chanco's brother paid a visit and spent the night with Chanco. He told Chanco of the planned attack and advised him that he was to kill Pace and his family. But during the night (or early in the morning by one account), Chanco slipped out and informed Pace, who had treated him as a son, of the attack. Pace secured his house and set out for Jamestown, taking Chanco and his family with him. He had to go down a steep embankment and row four miles to do this, but he arrived in time to warn the colony so that they could set up defenses and were saved. According to this version, most of the plantations up and down the river were wiped out. Pace's action is said to have saved the colony.
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Discrepancies and problems:
1) There is no mention of the Indian youth's name in either of the two eyewitness accounts or in any other contemporary documents.. A year later a letter was written by the James City Council, to wit: Francis Wyatt, George Yardley, George Sandys, John Pott, Roger Smith, Chri. Davisone, John Pountistelling stating that an Indian by the name of "Chavco" (Chauco) returned to James City in 1623 and he was allowed to deliver a message from Opechancanough because he had warned "divers" in the the settlement of the pending attack. Apparently it is this letter that has been transcribed to state "Chanco" and it was assumed (without further evidence) that that this Indian was the same person who warned Pace. Helen C. Rountree in her book Pocahontas's People gives numerous reasons why the two could not be the same.
2) The accounts agree that he was a Christian. Indians who converted to Christianity were given "Christian" (i.e., English) names and were told to forsake their former names. So it is unlikely the youth would have been named Chanco.
Now, let's have a look at the sources. The primary sources for the attack are:
1) The Anthony Chester Narrative--an anonymous traveler who was on the
ship commanded by Anthony Chester and who was in Jamestown during the Indian
attack gives his version.
2) Sir Edwin Sandys or Sandis, treasurer of the Jamestown colony,
whose letters are reported in an account by Edward Waterhouse, secretary of the
Virginia Company. It is not clear to me whether Waterhouse copied Sandys
verbatim or partially paraphrased.
Neither of these persons was eyewitness to the happenings at Pace's Paines. Both were at Jamestown when Pace arrived.
Comment: To me, the first account appears more immediate and
persuasive. The second may have been edited or altered by Waterhouse.
To Virginia in the year 1620, as narrated by a distinguished passenger;
translated into Dutch and published by Peter Vander Aa, bookseller at Leyden, in
1707.
[Note: the name of the distinguished passenger is never mentioned]

Modern English version, as printed on the Jamestown web site
In the beginning of February 1620 I left England in the ship Margaret & John, our ship was of 160 ton burden, our Captain was Anthony Chester a brave seaman. Besides the crew we had on board a good many passengers of whom I was one, our ship carried 8 cannon with a valconet, our destination was Virginia where we hoped to transact some profitable business.
[The first part of the narrative concerns a sea battle and I have omitted it.. The second part describes the Indian attack. This "distinguished passenger" is not identified. He participated in the defense of Jamestown Highlighted passages indicate parts of the account that disagree with the other eyewitness.]
Page 212
At the time of this massacre a party of Indians embarked in four boats for Jamestown, with the intention of attacking and murdering the English in this town and the surrounding country, but the hellish plan was frustrated by the disclosure of the project by a converted Indian in the employ of a Mr. Pace; on the night preceding the contemplated attack two Indians, brothers, who had embraced the Christian religion, one in the employ of a Mr. Perry, the other in the employ of a Mr. Pace, on retiring for the night discussed the plan of murdering their masters and by the doing assist and please their King Powhatan and thus also to aid the massacring party who were to arrive the following day by order of King Powhatan to murder all the settlers. Apparently the plan as discussed by the two brothers was agreed upon, but the Indian in the employ of Mr. Pace arose early in the morning while his brother was yet asleep and repairing to his master's residence disclosed to him the entire murderous plan, for he regarded and loved Mr. Pace as a father while Mr. Pace loved his Indian as a son. Mr. Pace was not slow in heeding the warning, at once placing his residence in a state of defence; and hastily rowed in a canoe across the river to Jamestown to notify
By the mercy of the Lord who had moved the heart of this converted Indian to give us timely warning the lives of more than a thousand of our people, of whom I was one, were spared.
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The second report is actually second hand. It refers to a first hand letter of a Mr. George Sandys or Sandis, who was the actual eyewitness. It was written by Edward Waterhouse, a secretary for the Virginia Company, apparently in London. I have not found the Sandys document or any indication that it exists in the original. It is not clear whether Waterhouse is quoting or paraphrasing the Sandys letter.
From Thomeas Jefferson Papers, Series 8, Virginia Records Manuscripts, in Kingsbury, Susan Myra, THE RECORDS OF THE VIRGINIA COMPANY OF LONDON. Volume III, Unites States Government Printing Office, Washington, 1953.
Page 541
1622
CCX. Edward Waterhouse, "A Declaration of the State of the Colony and...a Relation of the Barbarous Massacre"
List of Records Nos. 293, 292
A Declaration of the State of the Colony and Affaires in
Virginia. With a relation of the Barbarous Massacre in the time of peace
and League, trecherously executed by the Natiue Infidels vpon the
English, the 22 of March last.
Page 554
The letters of Mr. George Sandis a worthy Gentleman and Treasurer there....those treacherous Natiues, after fiue yeares peace, by a generall combination in one day plotted to subvert their whole Colony, and at one instant of time, though our seuerall Plantations were an hundred and forty miles vp one Riuer on both sides.
[Description here of the life styles of the natives]
Page 555
They [the Sandis letters] certify further...
(John Smith, who loved to be dramatic, adopted this account in his Generall Historie, and it has found its way into the history books.)
NEITHER OF THESE
ACCOUNTS MENTIONS THE NAME OF THE INDIAN YOUTH. THE NAME APPARENTLY COMES
FROM THIS DOCUMENT, WRITTEN OVER A YEAR LATER
At this point I have not discovered when the name Chanco was first used, but the
following seems to be its origin
Visit of Chauco
98 RECORDS OF THE VIRGiNIA COMPANY
CCCXIX. COUNCIL IN VIRGINIA. LETTER TO VIRGINIA COMPANY OF LONDON
APRIL 4, 1623
(I) Manuscript. Records Virginia Company, 111, pt. ii, pp. 6, 6a. (2) C. 0. 1, Vol. Ii, No. 22 Document in (1) Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.; (2) Public Record Office, London List of Records No. 457
Right Honble
May it please you to understande, yt since our laste Lre, there cam two Indians. to m[artins] Hunndred who accordinge to order were sent vp to James Cyttie, one of which Called (Chauco) who had lived much amongst the English, and by revealinge yt pl[ot] To divers vppon the day of Massacre, saued theire lives, was sent by the great Kinge, wth a messuage, the effect wherof was this, that blud inough had already been shedd one both sides, that many of his People were starued, by our takinge Away theire Corne and burninge theire howses, & that they desired, they might be suffred to plante at Pomunkie, and theire former Seates, wch yf they might Peaceablely do they would send home our People (beinge aboute twenty) whom they saued alive since the massacre, and would suffer us to plant quietly alsoe in all places, The other (called Comahum) an Actor in the Massacre at Martins Hundred, beinge a great man and not sent by the greate Kinge, Wee putt in Chaines, resolvinge to make such vse of him, as the tyme shall require.
(Kingsbury apparently puts the name Chauco parenthesis because it is hard to read. Other specialists (see below) have looked at this document and concluded that the name was indeed Chauco, written as Chavco, not Chanco.)
Evidence that (1) the name was NOT Chanco and that (2) it was NOT the same Indian:
(1) The name was Chauco, not Chanco:
Kingsbury interprets the name as Chauco.
Helen Rountree, in her book Pocahontas's People: The Powhatan Indians of Virginia through Four Centuries (University of Oklahoma Press,1990) says: "The script of the original document, which I have seen on microfilm in the Library of Congress, and in which "n's" are distinguishable from "u's", says plainly Chauco, not Chanco." (Footnote, page 303)
(2) The evidence that it was NOT the same Indian:
The account says that Chauco revealed the information "to divers" (several). The eyewitness accounts agree that the Indian youth revealed the information only to Pace.
If this Indian had been converted to Christianity, as the Indian youth who warned Pace was, would not this fact be noted in the 1623 document, as it seemed to be of very great importance that it was the Christianity of this "converted infidell" that motivated him to warn Pace?
As mentioned previously, converted Indians received "Christian" names and forsook their former names.
It
is clear from Virginia Company records that
there were several Indians
who warned the colonists.
"As for those Indians
whom God used as instruments of revealing and preventinge the total
ruine of you, all we thinke a good respect and recompence due vnto
them...." (Kingsbury, Records of the Virginia Company, August 1,
1622, p. 673).
Note the plural. Therefore there is
no reason to jump to the
conclusion that this is the same Indian.
Historian Helen Rountree argues that it is not logical that an Indian
youth would leave the employer that he had warned (and whom he
apparently regarded as a father figure) and desert to the Pamunkey
Indians who lived across the river and in the opposite direction from
Pace's Paines; or that if he did, he would be well received by those
Indians and (still a youth) a year later would be sent by the Indians as
an important emissary to the English.
She cites personal correspondence with Christian Feest (one of the
foremost European experts on North American Indians and editor of the
Review of Native American Studies) suggesting that Chauco was actually
one "Chacrow" or "Shakrow" who was reported to have been taught by
Englishmen to use firearms around 1616. Rountree thinks this is
possible, but it would make him too old to be the youth who warned Pace.
(Rountree, Pocahontas's People as previously cited, page 304 in a
footnote)
This of course is speculation but it shows that while there is
controversy about Chauco/Chanco it cannot be taken as a "given" that
they were the same Indian.
Other less important differences in the sources:
1) There is a difference in the accounts over whether the Indian youth was "Perry's Indian" or "Pace's Indian".
2) The first account says there was barely time to prepare the defenses of Jamestown; the second says that they were able to warn the other settlers. Given that the settlements were scattered for 140 miles up and down the river, and the obvious need for haste, this hardly seems likely. Rather, the conclusion of later historians that there was more than one Indian warning is more likely, and is verified by the Virginia Company records.
6) The first account says "more than a thousand' were saved; the second says "thousands".
CONCLUSION
This is an example of how history can be distorted. The accounts of John Smith and of Edward Waterhouse, from whom the Smith account was derived, are the basis for the popular story. Smith had not been in Virginia since 1609 and Waterhouse was never there, so these are secondary sources. I have not been able to discover when the two Indians, Chauco and the youth who warned Pace, were merged into one person and named "Chanco". The search will continue.
Julian-Gregorian Calendars: In the Julian calendar, the new year began on March 25. So March 22 would be in 1621, and on March 25, the year would be 1622. This has caused many sources to say that the attack occurred in 1622. Apparently someone tried to "modernize" the date to the Gregorian calendar that we use today. Unfortunately, it is not that simple. When the Gregorian calendar was adopted, they did not simply move the year change back to January 1, they also dropped 18 days from the calendar, so a simple transfer of the dates is not accurate. It is better to just use the Julian date, March 22, 1621