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1. JOHN-

b.c.Basing, Hants
m. ANNE ______ (d. 22 Oct. 1680 Andover, MA)
d. 9 Nov. 1693 Andover, MA

John came to America in the Brevis in May 1638 from Southampton and arrived in Boston in Aug. 1638. He settled in Newbury, but moved to Andover before 1645 when he was made a freeholder. John Frie of Andover was authorized to sell wine to the Indians 4 Nov. 1654.(1) He was one of the ten first members of the church in Andover which was organized 24 Oct. 1645. He signed a petition for the settlement of a ministerial controversy 12 Oct. 1681.(2) John was a selectman in 1670.

John received £5 a head from the government for wolves he had killed in Andover in 1656.

On 3 May 1662 John signed a petition to the General Court to put an embargo on the export of corn.(3)

After Anne died in 1680 he went to live with his son Deacon John Frye.


·  I. John- b.c.1633, m. 4 Oct. 1660 Eunice Potter, d. 17 Sept. 1696. Eunice was tried for witchcraft in 1692 but, the charge was dismissed in 1693.

·  II. Benjamin- b.c.1635, m. 23 May 1678 Mary Parker (d. 17 Mar. 1725 Andover), d. 11 Feb. 1695/6

·  III. Elizabeth- b.c.1637, m. 4 Oct. 1660 Robert Stiles, d.c.1680

·  IV. Susan (Sarah)- b.c.1642, d.s.p. 5 Mar. 1661/2

·  2V. SAMUEL- b.c.1650, m. 20 Nov. 1671 MARY ASLETT, d. 9 May 1725

·  VI. James- b. 5 Jan. 1652/3 Andover, MA, m. 20 Jan. 1679/0 Lydia Osgood (b. 12 Aug. 1661, d.14 Apr. 1741) d. 28 Sept. 1734


(1) MA Archives- Vol.30, p.35
(2) Ibid- Vol.11, p.15
(3) Ibid- Vol.60, p.136

NEHGR- Vol.8, pp.226-7, 1854
Frye Genealogy- Ellen Frye Barker, 1920, p. 47


b.c.1650 Andover, MA
m. 20 Nov. 1671 Andover, MA, MARY ASLEBEE (b. 24 Apr. 1654 Andover, d. 12 Aug. 1747 Andover)
d. 9 May 1725 Andover

Samuel was a corporal in the militia in 1692, an ensign in 1697, lieutenant in 1698 and Captain in 1708. He was a selectman from 1692 until 1711 and a town proprietor before 1681. He signed two petitions concerning the building of the new meeting house in 1708.(1)

On 17 Apr. 1733 Mary Frie of Andover, widow, deeded to hier eldest son John Frie five acres "that was my brother's John Aslebee in Woodchuck Plaine"(2)

In her will 21 Apr. 1733- 7 Sept. 1747 Ipswich, Mary gave to her son Nathan 30/, Samuel 20/ and a bible, Benjamin 30/, to deceased son Ebenezer's children 5/ each, to her granddaughters, daughters of her daughter Hannah Chandler £40, to granddaughter Lydia Chandler a brass kettle, to her three daughters Mary, Phebe and Deborah the remaining cash, clothing and household goods, to son John five acres at the southeasterly end of Woodchuck Plain. Her son John was the executor and the will was witnessed by Joshua Frie, Joshua Shackford and Mehitable Frie. On 7 Sept. 1747 administration was granted to Robert Andrews "who had intermarried with one of the daughters", as John had died 7 Apr. 1737(3).

Issue- all born in Andover (V.R.)

·  3I. JOHN- b. 16 Sept. 1672, m. 1 Nov. 1694 TABITHA FARNAM, d. 7 Apr. 1737 Andover

·  II. Samuel- b. 1 May 1675, d.s.p. 20 Aug. 1689

·  III. Mary- b. 22 Feb. 1677, m. 12 Dec. 1696 Joshua Stevens (drowed in Merrimack River 23 Mar. 1711/2) d. 7 June 1779

·  IV. Phebe- b. 28 May 1680, m. 15 Dec. 1696 Andover, Samuel Peters (b.c.1675 Ipswich, d. 29 May 1736 Andover), d. 14 May 1757 Andover

·  V. Hannah- b. 12 Apr. 1683, m. 4 June 1701 Andover, John Chandler (b. 14 Mar. 1679/0 Andover, d. 3 May 1741 Andover), d. 1 Aug. 1727 Andover

·  VI. Ebenezer- b. 16 Feb. 1685, m. 23 Dec. 1708 Andover, Elizabeth Farnum (b. 7 June 1687 Andover, d. 23 May 1752 Andover), d. 16 May 1725 Andover

·  VII. Nathan- b. 15 June 1688, m. 8 July 1715 Newbury, Sarah Bridges (b. 25 Feb. 1692/3 Andover), d. 19 Mar. 1758 Andover

·  VIII. Deborah- b. 26 Feb. 1690/1, m. 10 Mar. 1719/0 Andover, Robert Andrews (d. 14 Apr. 1751 Boxford), d. 14 May 1761 Boxford

·  IX. Samuel- b. 26 Apr. 1694, m. 26 Mar. 1719/0 Andover, Sarah Osgood (b. 8 Aug. 1697 Andover, d. 6 Apr. 1769 Andover), d. 17 Oct. 1761 Andover

·  X. Benjamin- b. 8 Oct. 1698, d. Dec. 1755


(1) MA Archives- Vol.11, pp.251,269a,270
(2) Essex Co. Deeds- Vol.67, p.31
(3) Essex Co. Probate- Vol.327, pp.380-2; Vol.328, pp.106-7

TAG- Vol. 41, pp. 77-8
NEHGR- Vol. 8, pp. 226-7, 1854
Frye Genealogy- Ellen Frye Barker, 1920, p. 48


b. 16 Sept. 1672 Andover, MA
m. 1 Nov. 1694 Andover, TABITHA FARNUM (b. 17 Oct. 1678 Andover, d. 17 May 1755 Andover), daughter of Thomas & Elizabeth (Sibbons) Farnum
d. 7 Apr. 1737 Andover

John was admitted to the church in Andover in 1686. He was a sargeant in the militia in 1716 and a lieutenant in 1723. John was a selectman from 1713 until 1734. He was constable in 1707 and town clerk from 1720 until 1735.

On 28 Oct. 1702 Martha Farnum, late of Andover, now of Charlestown, sold to John Fry her right in the 80 acres given to Martha by her father Thomas Farnum. On 21 Jan. 1703/4 John and Tabitha sold to Francis and Elizabeth (Farnum) Johnson of Andover two-thirds of the land which had belonged to their father Thomas Farnum "which was given to my wife Tabitha by the will of Thomas Farnum" and the other part which they had purchased from Martha.(1)

John was listed as one of the Andover inhabitants who objected to the site of the new meeting house 12 Oct. 1708.(2)

On 14 Nov. 1729 Nathan and Samuel Frye sold to John land in Andover "given to John, Samuel and Nathan by the will of our uncle John Aslebee, late of Andover, deceased".(3)

John was treasurer for the Andover Proprietors from 1716 until his death in 1737.

John was a farmer and inherited the homestead from his uncle John Frye.

After his death Isaac and Abiel administered their father's estate. The inventory showed a value of £4087 almost all of which was land. The division of his estate was made 2 June 1740 with his sons receiving the land and his daughters sums of money. Joseph received almost one-third of the land but, it was of less value.(4)

Issue- All born in Andover (V.R.)

·  I. John- b. 1 Feb. 1698, d.s.p. 17 Oct. 1718

·  II. Isaac- b. 11 Mar. 1699, m.1. 20 July 1725 Naomi _____, 2. Hannah Haskell, d. 13 May 1741

·  III. Joshua- b. 10 Apr. 1701, m.1. 14 July 1724 Mary Dane (b.c.1695, d. 24 Dec. 1729), 2. 4 Nov. 1731 Sarah Frye, d. 2 Oct. 1768

·  IV. Abiel- b. 5 July 1703, m. 10 Feb. 1731/2 Abigail Emery (b. Nov. 1705), d. 22 Mar. 1757

·  V. Samuel- b. 18 Feb. 1705, d.s.p. 6 Mar. 1728

·  VI. Mehitable- b. 18 Feb. 1705, m. 2 Feb. 1737 Samuel Austin

·  VII. Pheobe- b. 1709, m. 21 Mar. 1738 Benjamin Kimball

·  VIII. Anne- b. 1709, d.s.p. 30 July 1717

·  4IX. JOSEPH- b. 19 Mar. 1712, m. 20 Mar. 1732 MEHITABLE POOR (b. 4 Apr. 1714 Andover, d. 4 Jan. 1788 Fryeburg, ME), d. 25 July 1794 Fryeburg

·  X. Hannah- b. 15 Sept. 1714, m. 5 May 1737 Jonathan Parker, d. 15 Dec. 1794

·  XI. Anne- b. 29 June 1718, m. 8 Dec. 1741 Jones Clark

·  XII. John- b. 28 July 1720, d.s.p. 16 July 1738

·  XIII. Tabitha- b. 13 July 1722, d. 12 July 1738


(1) Essex Co. Deeds- Vol.18, p.75; Vol. 32, p.119
(2) MA Archives- Vol.11, p.264
(3) Essex Co. Deeds- Vol.53, p.249
(4) Essex Co. Probate- No.10303

Frye Genealogy- p.50


b. 19 Mar. 1712 Andover, MA
m. 20 Mar. 1732 MEHITABLE POOR (b. 4 Apr. 1714 Andover, d. 4 Jan. 1788 Fryeburg, ME)
d. 25 July 1794 Fryeburg, Maine
bur. Pine Grove Cemetery

Most of the information on Joseph is from the thesis "Major General Joseph Frye of Maine" by Kenneth E. Thompson of Portland.

As a younger member of a large family Joseph did not inherit a large portion of his father's estate and consequently he became a surveyor. He built his house on part of his father's land and praticed his trade in Andover.

In 1738 the Great Throat Distemper struck the Frye family killing all of their children. Over the course of this epidemic of diptheria or scarlet fever 5,000 children and young adults died in New England with 1,400 deaths in Essex Co. alone.(1)

In 1744 the War of the Austrian Succession finally dragged England and France into conflict. This war was known as King George's War in the Colonies and the prime threat in the area was from the French stronghold at Louisbourg. In 1745 Gov. William Shirley of Massachusetts pushed for an attack on the fortress. The General Court agreed and enlisted 3,000 men. On 7 Feb. 1745 Joseph was commissioned an ensign in Col. Robert Hale's 5th Massachusetts Regiment in the 5th Co. commanded by Capt. Jonathan Bagley with Lieut. Caleb Swan.(2)

Map of Acadia

"To His Excellency Govenour Shirley~~~

The Memorial of Joseph Frye Humbly Sheweth That he Employed one Robert Rogers of Merrimack in, the the goverment of New HampSheire (who Informed him he Could Inlist twenty men or more for the present Service) to Inlist them for him, who went and Inlisted twenty four men accordingly; and gave them two Dollers Each 30 of which was Delivered him by your said Rogers memorialist for that Purpose. Since which he is credibly informed said was then under Bonds to appear at the next Superior Court in that Government, at the Tryal of some Persons for Counterfeiting their Bills of Credit. and That he is Strongly Suspected of being Concearnd in th[page torn]
affair, of which your Memorialist was Intirely Ignorant when he [page torn]
Employd him. And that he ye said Rogers being thus Intangled, [page torn]
men faulted for Inlisting ^ in that Government, to go out of This, He is [page torn]
Intimidated that he is gon to Portsmouth with a Design to Secure [page torn]
men he has Inlisted as aforesd, to serve His Majesty as Policers of the[page torn]
Government: thereby to Ingratiate himself to be admitted as an Evi [page torn]
for the King, in order to Clear himself of further Trouble, By whic[page torn]
Memorialist is greatly Disapointed of Compleating his Company, [page torn]
like to Sustain the loss of money also. Whefore your memorialist h[page torn]
Prays Your Excellencys Iinterposision in the Case, and as in Duty[page torn]
bound will ever Pray ~~~

Joseph Frye" (128)

Letter To Governor Shirley

The soldiers were put on board the transports in Boston in Mar. awaiting departure. On 22 Mar. Col. Hale ordered his regiment ashore and "Drawed up in a Battalion & Exercised till about 2 in the afternoon"(3) Then the men "Returned on Bord to be Refrest & Rest our weary Bodeys."(4) The expedition left on the 24th and arrived at the Sheepscot River in Maine on the 26th. They stayed there until a favorable wind arrived on the 29th but encountered more stormy weather. The ships "Lay Rowling in ye Seas with our Sails Furl'd with Prodigious wave."(5) Major Seth Pomeroy stated: "All yt I Took To Eat or Drink vomit up again Sick Day & night So bad yt I have not words To Set it Forth, nor Can I give any Body an Idea of it yt hath not Felt ye Same or Some thinge like it..."(6)

The ships arrived at Canso, NS during the first eleven days of April with Commodore Warren arriving from the West Indies on the 23rd.(7) The expedition sailed from Canso on the 29th and arrived at Gabarus Bay near Louisbourg the next day.(8)

Louisbourg, Nova Scotia

The troops landed and met only minor resistence from the French. Hale's regiment set up camp at Green Hill to protect several artillery batteries set up in the area before finally moving to the fifth battery known as Titcomb's battery. The French had not finished the land defenses as they did not expect a siege from this direction due to the terrain. Besides this error the French garrison had mutineed the previous fall and was too small to withstand a prolonged siege. On 1 May the French foolishly abandoned the Grand Battery after trying to destroy the cannon which the provincials easily repaired and turned towards the city. The next battery was constructed on Green Hill, 1500 yards from the city but, this was too far for their artillery and another battery was constructed 900 yards from the fort on Rabasse Heights on 10 May. On 16 May another battery was built only 440 yards from the West Gate. Another stoke of luck at this time was the discovery of 23 cannon in the harbor which had been left there years before. The next day the Advanced Battery was constructed 230 yards from the West Gate and with the large guns from the Grand Battery succeeded in penetrating the West Gate and the adjoining wall. Commodore Warren captured the Vigilant with her 64 guns, 500 man crew and provisions for the city thus sealing the city's fate. Hale's regiment then built Titcomb's Battery 800 yards from the West Gate and on 4 June this battery fired red-hot shot into the city setting fire to many buildings. Col. Hale's troops then moved closer to Titcomb's Battery: "Our men finished our Camp, fenced in the Colls Garden, and our men Brought Garden Roots from the gardens Below and set out the Colls garden."(9)

Further warships arrived and a combined land/sea assault was planned for the 16th but, the French seeing the hopeless situation surrendered on the 15th. On the 17th: "our Army Marcht To ye Citty the Colours were flying the Drums Beating Trumpets Sounding Flutes & Vials Playing Colo Bradstreet att ye Head of the Army The Genl Lt Genl and Gentry in ye Rear."(10)

During the first of July the French were placed on transports and sent home as were many of the Provincials.

On 7 Aug. Lieut. Col. Eveleth left Louisbourg for the garrison at Canso, Joseph probably was among these men. Conditions here were primitive at best. Eveleth wrote to Pepperrell on 9 Sept. that: "we are the greatest part of us in health but hope you will now Release the men they have not cloaths to ware sum of them have not a Shoe nor Stocking to ware & Few provisions we have not any bread & no rum but we hope for relief soon."(11) Three days later he wrote that: "at present there is not Barracks suitable for men to Lodge in- the rain beats in so that we can Scarcely keep the Ammunition dry there must be Boards & Shingles & a prety deal of work done if men Live here the Winter... We have here Eleven Barrels of Burlington Pork in the Store. We opened one Barrel but it was such that no body would touch it..."(12) The troops here stayed until the late fall, Joseph being one of those who left at that time.

On 14 June 1746 Joseph was commissioned a lieut. in Maj. Titcomb's company in Brigadier Gen. Waldo's new regiment.(13) Many men were sent to Crown Point, NY to capture the French Fort there. Joseph remained in Boston at this time awaiting his assignment. Things had gone badly for the English in Nova Scotia and the expedition to Crown Point was postponed. The threat of invasion became greater and Joseph was sent to Falmouth, ME to pursue the marauding Indians and stayed there until the fall of 1747. On 16 Mar. 1748 Joseph was commissioned a Captain of a company stationed at Scarborough to protect the area from the Indians. The Treaty of Aix-la- Chapelle was signed on 18 Oct. and the garrison at Scarborough was reduced in size to 13 men. During his time at Scarborough Joseph was evidently scouting around Sebago Lake and was: "pursued by a band of Indians, the Captain fled to the end of the Cape coming out upon the cliff... He let himself drop from the top of the jagged rock into the snow which covered the frozen lake, whence he crossed to the island that bears his name. The Indians were so astonished at his daring leap when they saw him crossing the ice, that they abandoned the pursuit."(14) The rock is now known as Frye's Leap and the island is called Frye Island and is located at the end of Raymond Cape in Sebago Lake. It is interesting to ponder how Joseph got himself in such a predicament alone. Joseph remained in Scarborough until discharged in June 1749.

Frye's Leap- Sebago Lake

During his time at the Scarborough blockhouse Joseph was forced to provide subsistence for: "Himself and Some of his Company a Considerable part of the Time Otherwise Should have been Oblig'd to Draw off with His men."(15) He applied for compensation from the Commissary General in Boston but, he could only deliver the balance in provisions without an order from the General Court. On 29 Jan. 1751 Joseph was paid £73/11/3.

At the Andover town meeting in May 1750 Joseph was elected as the town's representative to the General Court which consisted of the House of Representatives of about 100 members and the Council of 28 members. The session opened on 30 May and Joseph was appointed to his first committee assignment on 5 June to discuss two petitions of minors requesting to sell their land.(16) On 14 June he was on the committee to examine the accounts of the Province Treasurer and the Commissary General.(17) On 22 June he was appointed Tax Collector for Essex Co. on "Tea, Coffee, Arrack, and on Coaches, Chariots, & C."(18) He again was on a minor committee on 27 June to consider a petition before adjourning on 3 July. The House reconvened on 26 Sept. and on 10 Oct. Joseph was again on the committee to examine the petition considered in his committee of 27 June. Adjourning on 11 Oct. the House reconvened on 10 Jan. 1751. Joseph submitted his petition for payment for his expenses while at Scarborough as noted above. He was also on several committees at this time including a committee to assess property values in order to compute each town's taxes.(19) He was also on a committee to prepare a list of the member's travel expenses and attendance at the session.(20) The term ended on 23 Apr.

At the town meeting in May, Joseph was again elected representative. Joseph was again Tax Collector for Essex Co. for Tea, Coffee, etc. before adjourning on 22 June. Joseph was on several committees at the next session which began on 2 Oct. and ended the 11th. At the last session beginning on 27 Dec. Joseph was on the committee to consider the Nantucket Indian's petition concerning the encroachments on their land.(21) On 22 Jan. 1752 the House directed that the Act of Parliament of 1751 be incorporated into the laws of the Province. This act corrected the errors in the calendar which was by this time 11 days out of line, as well as put the beginning of the year at 1 Jan. instead of 25 Mar. During this session Joseph was again appointed to prepare the attendance and expenses list.(22)

Joseph became a land speculator at this time receiving a grant of five square miles on the Kennebec River from the Kennebec Purchase Company along with Ephraim Jones and Eleazer Melvin of Concord. The grant above the mouth of the Cobbosseecontee River in Gardiner, ME would be confirmed: "provided they get one Hundred men of twenty one years of age to inhabit on said lands within three years from ye 4th March, 1752, Each man to build a House of twenty feet long & eighteen feet wide & clear five acres of land in said time, No inhabitant to sell to any other inhabitants when their is but fifty families, but may sell to any other to be come inhabitants."(23) Because of the wars and lack of interest Joseph lost his grant which was given later to Dr. Sylvester Gardiner (see McCausland).

Joseph was elected to another term as representative and went to Concord to the first session on 27 May because of a smallpox epidemic in Boston. On 2 June Joseph was on a committee to prepare a draft of: "a Bill in Addition to an Act Intitled An Act further to exempt Persons commonly called Annabaptists witihin this Province, from being taxed for and towards the Support of Ministers."(24) The next session opened on 22 Nov. and Joseph was on several committees. before being dissolved on 13 Apr.

During the early 1750's Joseph changed the spelling of his name from Frie to Frye, a change which most of the family adopted.

Joseph returned to the House for another term on 30 May 1753. On 5 Sept. Joseph was on a committee to discuss publishing Cornelius Douglas' map of New England. The committee reported that the map was "very erroneous" and that "no countenance be given to its being made publick..."(25) At the annual town meeting in Andover in March Joseph was elected as a selectman. Joseph returned to the Court and served on several minor committees before it adjourned on 23 Apr.

Castle William- Boston Harbor

Problems with the French and Indians increased and an invasion from the north was feared. Because of all the enemy activity at the headwaters of the Kennebec it was proposed that a fort be constructed in the area to protect it. This was most important to the members of the Court as many of them were involved with the Kennebec Purchase Company including Gov. Shirley. John Winslow of Marshfield was to command the expedition with Jedidiah Preble of Falmouth, ME as Lieut. Col. and Joseph as Major. In the midst of the preparations for the expedition Joseph was re-elected to another term in the General Court. On 31 May the men were mustered into service and camped at Castle William in Boston harbor. More men were needed for this venture and Joseph was left behind to attend to this when the major part of the force left Boston on 21 June. On 1 July Joseph was promoted to Lieut. Col. because of the increase in the size of the force. The Governor accompanied the expedition and negociated with the Norridgewock Indians at Cushing for permission to cross their lands and construct the needed forts. The expedition proceded to Cushnoc (Augusta) and built a fort there named Fort Western (a reproduction of this early fort has been built in Augusta and is open to the public).


Everyone was waiting for Joseph to arrive with the additional troops and supplies. Gen. Winslow wrote to Capt. Lithgow at Richmond Fort: "By Delay of Maj. Frye's Comeing, we are in Camp quite out of Rum, if you have any in the Truck House, supply us with Two Hnds or if scarce one, will Replease what we have when Stores arrive."(26) Joseph left Boston on 15 July with the last 83 recruits arriving at Cushnoc in a few days. Joseph remained at Cushnoc to consolidate their position while the remainder of the force marched upriver to Taconnet to construct Fort Halifax. Joseph arrived at the new fort on 30 July leaving 100 men to work on Fort Western. Joseph stayed at Fort Halifax while a group was to proceed upriver to hunt for the French. Nothing occured on this expedition and the troops returned. On 22 Sept. most of the men left the Kennebec leaving 100 men at Fort Halifax and 20 at Fort Western. Joseph was carried on the rolls until 8 Nov. to pay for his time preparing accounts and muster rolls.(27)

Joseph took his seat in the House on 18 Oct. and was involved in the discussion concerning the Albany Plan of Union of the colonies which was defeated due to fears that such a union might be a means of extending British control over the colonies. Joseph was on several committees during this term.

In 1755 the French were on the move in Nova Scotia and a campaign was organized to drive them out. Col. Robert Monckton of the Annapolis Royal garrison was appointed commander in chief with Capt. George Scott of the Regulars as Lieut. Col. of the Second Battalion and Joseph as senior major.

Joseph was in the process of recruiting men when he was approached by Robert Rogers who offered to enlist New Hampshire men for the expedition to Nova Scotia. However, Gov. Benning Wentworth of New Hampshire soon learned of this and would not allow it as New Hampshire was pledged to send men on an expedition to Crown Point, NY. Besides that Rogers was under indictment for counterfeiting. Joseph wrote to Gov. Shirley stating that: "Rogers was then under bonds to appear at the next Superior Court in that Government at the trial of some persons for counterfeiting their Bills of Credit, and that he is strongly suspected of being concerned in the affair, of which your memorialist was entirely ignorant when he employed him... he is so intimidated that he is gone to Portsmouth with a design to secure the men he had enlisted as aforesaid to serve his Majesty as soldiers of that Government; thereby to ingratiate himself to be admitted as evidence for the King, in order to clear himself of further trouble."(28)

Fort Beasejour

On 14 Apr. 1755 the troops were mustered into service but, they did not leave until 19 May. They arrived at Annapolis on the 26th and set sail for Chignecto on the isthmus between Nova Scotia and New Brunswick on the 31st. On 2 June a Council of War was held aboard the Success. They resolved that the troops would land and proceed to Fort Lawrence on the south side of the Missaguash River. The French at Fort Beausejour, two miles from Fort Lawrence across the river, offered little resistence. On 3 June another Council of War decided to lay siege to the French fort the next day. The army marched three miles up river to the crossing at Pont a Buot. The French had destroyed the bridge and fired at the English but, were driven back after being hit with cannon fire. The troops marched to Fort Beausejour that evening without any resistence. The next day the French burned all the surrounding buildings. Artillery and stores were landed from ships to supply the army but, work was slowed by bad weather and the lack of draft animals. On 12 June a hill was taken before the fort and the artillery was put in place. As larger guns were dragged into position the bombardment of the fort became heavier and the people in the fort began to panick. The French soon surrendered. On 17 June the fort was renamed Fort Cumberland and Joseph with 150 of his men were ordered to fill in the trenches. Col. Monckton then demanded that the commander of Fort Gaspereau at Bay Verte, 15 miles away surrender which he did. Joseph and 500 men went to take possession of that fort. They were relieved on the 22nd by Capt. Speakman and Jones. The French then blew up another fort on the St. John's River and fled.

The Acadians had refused to sign an unqualified oath of allegiance to England and therefore on 28 July Gov. Lawrence of Nova Scotia agreed to deport the Acadians "to be distributed amongst the several Colonies".(29) As part of this directive all the houses, farms, and other buildings not to be used by the English were to be burned. Joseph and 200 men left the fort on 28 Aug. and burned 181 buildings at Shepardy and proceeded up the Petitcodiac River burning everything on each side of the river. A detachment was in the process of destroying a church when about 250 French and Indians attacked. The men retreated but, were not close to the ships. This resulted in 23 men killed or captured before Joseph could come to their assistance. Col. Monckton commented that: "Major Frye returns but with very bad Success for having divided his Party;... However they burnt upwards of 300 Houses and brought in about 30 women and Children."(30) This incident received a great deal of publicity and accounts were printed in the Boston Gazette as well as the London Magazine.(31)

Col. Winslow issued an order for all male inhabitants to meet at the church at Grand Pre on 5 Sept. when he would deliver his order: "The duty I am now upon, though necessary, is very disagreeable to my natural make and temper... and therefore without hesitation I shall deliver to you His Majesty's instructions and commands, which are that your lands and tenements and cattle and livestock of all kinds are forfeited to the Crown, with all your other effects, except money and household goods, and that you yourselves are to be removed from this province."(32) The men were put on board ship were they waited weeks before being sent off with their families. This incident was the focal point of Longfellow's poem Evangeline.

"THIS is the forest primeval. The murmuring pines and the hemlocks,
Bearded with moss, and in garments green, indistinct in the twilight,
Stand like Druids of old, with voices sad and prophetic,
Stand like harpers hoar, with beards that rest on their bosoms.
Loud from its rocky caverns, the deep-voiced neighboring ocean
Speaks, and in accents disconsolate answers the wail of the forest.
This is the forest primeval; but where are the hearts that beneath it
Leaped like the roe, when he hears in the woodland the voice of the huntsman?
Where is the thatch-roofed village, the home of Acadian farmers --
Men whose lives glided on like rivers that water the woodlands,
Darkened by shadows of earth, but reflecting an image of heaven?
Waste are those pleasant farms, and the farmers forever departed!
Scattered like dust and leaves, when the mighty blasts of October
Seize them, and whirl them aloft, and sprinkle them far o'er the ocean.
Naught but tradition remains of the beautiful village of Grand-Prι.
Ye who believe in affection that hopes, and endures, and is patient,
Ye who believe in the beauty and strength of woman's devotion,
List to the mournful tradition still sung by the pines of the forest;
List to a Tale of Love in Acadie, home of the happy."
(Prelude from the 1893 Cambridge Edition)

On 10 Sept. the first of the French men were put on board the transports to stay until final arrangements for their deportation could be made.(33) On 13 Oct. about 1,100 of the Acadians finally left Fort Cumberland.

Duty in the fort could not have been too tiresome for on 18 Sept. Capt. Willard writes in his journal: "I stayed all Night in the tents with Maj Frye and past the time with pleasure with him and Never Slept one wink this night."(34)

Most of the time was spent cutting wood, garding the fort, and picking up the straggling Acadians. On 28 Sept. Joseph along with Capt. Stephens and 200 men went to Fort Gaspareaux with provisions.(35)

On 10 Nov. Joseph and 106 men were sent to Fort Gaspareaux to relieve the garrison there. They stayed there until 1 Apr. the following year.

Col. Monckton was not very satisfied with some of the provincial officers for in his journal he wrote: "As to the New England Troops The Men in General are good; But for the Offrs I can't say much... Majr Frye & Majr Bourne always active in their several dutys."(36) On 7 Dec. Fort Gaspareaux was renamed Fort Monckton in honor of the commander in chief.

On 2 Jan. 1756 Capt. Willard left Fort Cumberland with 100 men and went to Fort Monckton with provisions for Joseph and his men: "Stayed with Majr frye & Jones who was both Ill but Revived much att our Coming to bring them sumthing that was fresh."(37)

Disciplinary problems occupied much of Joseph's time at Fort Monckton and these problems had tragic results: "Whereas (notwithstanding the care, caution & Order of Major Frye to restrain the Soldiers belonging to the Garrison from going out of the Command of the Fort) many of them have been so obstinate as repeatedly to do it during the time he has been confined (by sickness) to his Quarters till the 27th January, on which day the Indian Enemy finds a number of them without their arms so far from the Fort they could not have immediate relief, falls upon them and kills and scalps 5 of their number and captivates ye 6th which was what Maj. Frye was apprehensive would be the consequence of such unadvised straggling, and therefore not only ordered and cautioned against it but set an example of carefulness by ordering a Covering Party of 1 Officer, 1 Sargt. and 20 Private men at all times when he sent any Party for woodcutting or upon any business beyond the Command of the Fort, and really thought by so doing he had sufficiently guarded against any danger of that nature nor ever did he know any belonging to the Garrison had violated his orders or set so light by his example, till the news was brought him (on that unhappy day) the Indians had attacked some of the Soldiers in the woods, which news was matter of greatest surprise, as he knew not that there was a man belonging to the Fort absent. Now seeing the Soldiers conduct shows such an unaccountable carelessness of their own lives therefore Majr. Frye orders that no one belonging to the garrison presume on any pretense whatsoever to go farther from the Fort than to the wells without leave of the Commanding officer."(38)

On 22 Feb. Joseph issued more orders concerning soldiers exchanging duties, directing the sargents to make a list of men for guard duty with no substitutions allowed.

On 1 Apr. Joseph and his men were relieved of garrison duty at Fort Monckton and returned to Forts Cumberland and Lawrence.

The enlistments were to expire in April but, not relief troops were available. General Winslow wrote to Joseph on 10 May from Boston: "I now have the pleasure to acquaint you that transports are taken up and will follow this to bring off your Battalion, am this day setting out for Crown Point Expedition... Am sorry to hear that your people are so uneasy hope all things will be set right, as I am certain Col Scott will do all the justice to the men that lays in his power."(39)

The men, however, did not begin to leave until June with the first group arriving in Boston on the 18th. The rest of the men stayed on into the summer. This prompted Joseph to write a letter to the General Court on 23 July: "It is a matter of great grief to me to be a spectator of the effects of a raging sickness among the remainder of the troops sent here from New England last year for the removal of the French encroachments in this province, and daily to hear their just complaints of their being detained here so long after the time is expired they enlisted for, and not to have it in my power to extricate them out of their troubles and anxieties of mind. I am well assured in my own mind His Excellency Governor Shirley must be absent from his Government, otherwise he would certainly have taken such measures before this time as would have brought us to New England."(40) Joseph and the final 141 men arrived in Boston on 29 Aug. and Forts Lawrence and Monckton were demolished.

The next objective in the war against the French in North America was to take place in New York. To facilitate this England replaced Gov. Shirley as commander in chief with John Campbell, the Earl of Loudoun. On 23 Oct. Lieut. Gov. Phips wrote to Lord Loudoun: "I have commissioned Colonel Joseph Fry and Colonel Ebenezer Nichols to the command of the two regiments raised in the County's of Hampshire and Worcester, they have my orders to obey your Lordships commands, wherever they may meet them, to whom therefore, your Lordship will be pleased to Direct your orders with regard to their March and Destination." (41) Because of the time of year "the season" for war was over and Joseph did not go to New York and was released from service on 2 Dec.

The next year Thomas Hutchinson, a leader of the Council, wrote to Lord Loudoun on 7 Mar. 1757 that: "I perceive that one Fry who was a Lt Colonel of the forces that went last to Nova Scotia is intended to be the first Officer and I suppose will have a Commission as Colonel."(42) On 25 Mar. Hutchinson again wrote to Loudoun: "The person that I mentioned before to your Lordship, Col Frye has a Commission to command the whole, & from the little acquaintance I have with him he appears to be a sensible well behaved man, & not likely to give your Lordship any trouble."(43)

Sir William Pepperrell

Lieut. Gov. Phips died suddenly and the government fell to the Council. Preparations were being made for another attack on the French in New York. Sir William Pepperrell, president of the Council, wrote to Lord Loudoun in April that Col. Frye: "assures us that the First Division shall begin their March in two or three days and that the rest shall follow from day to day as fast as they can be accommodated with Quarters on the road."(44) On 18 Apr. Joseph petitioned the General Court to convey his and the other officers' baggage to Kinderhook, NY which was granted on the 22nd.

Joseph deposed 9 Apr. 1757 to having helped a neighbor, John Wright, buy two parcels of land (200 acres) at Tuisset, Maine in 1749 and recalled the conversation in which Wright agreed to pay the owner Daniel Eames £500.(45)

While preparing for this campaign in New York Joseph was given a silver tankard by the officers who served under him in Nova Scotia. The tankard was engraved by Thomas Dane of Boston and is now owned by the Maine Historical Society.

"To Joseph Frye, Esq.

Colonel and Commander in Chief of the Forces in the Service of the Province of Mass. Bay, and late Major of the 2d Battalion of General Shirley's Provincial Regiment


From a Just Sence of his Care & Conduct of the Troops while under his Command at Nova Scotia and a proper Resentment of his Paternal Regard for them since their Return to New England

Is presented by

Boston April 20th, 1757................His Most humble Servants

The Officers of sd Battalion"

Frye Tankard at the Maine Historical Society Web Site

The MHS is also in possession of a whale oil lantern which was owned by Joseph as well as a small wine glass.

Joseph continued to petition the Court for assistance in sending supplies and in purchasing the supplies. The first troops left Boston on 25 Apr. Joseph left later, stopping at Springfield to settle accounts with the commissary. He reached Greenbush on the Hudson, below Albany, on 24 May. He met with Gen. Webb the following day who informed him that all 1800 Massachusetts troops under Joseph's command were encamped at Scocook above Albany.

This campaign was the basis of James Fenimore Cooper's book: The Last of the Mohicans. A Narrative of 1757.

Joseph was still having problems with supplies and wrote again to the General Court on 2 June requesting additional armorers, armorers' tools, clothing and shoes.(46) He then proceeded to Scocook and then the force went to Saratoga. The army then marched to Fort Edward on the Hudson River 66 miles above Albany , arriving on the 14th. Regiments from Connecticut, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, New York, New Jersey as well as Regulars completed the army of 7,500.

On 26 July Joseph wrote that: "We keep our Camp Clean all filth is Carried twice a day and thrown into the River that there is no offensive Smell in it. Effectual Care is taken by the Doctr In all respects and Whenever the Small Pox is Discovered among us he Immediatly Informs the person that has it Sent over to the Hospital on the Island."(47)

On 23 July 300 Indians attacked some carpenters killing several. A force was sent out of the garrison to attack the Indians: "in Sight of the whole Incampment for about the Space of 5 Minutes; when the Enemy set up their hideous Yells, and retreated into the Woods; our People following them engaged the second Time; and a continual Fire lasted on both sides about 15 Minutes."(48) "Our Men were scalped and mangled in a most barbarous Manner; some of their Throats cut & c. one of Captain Arbuthnot's Company had his Head cut off and carried 30 yards off behind a Tree in order to scalp it, but being pushed on so hard, they were obliged to leave both Head and Scalp, which our People took up and put in a Handkerchief, and buried it with the Body."(49)

On 1 Aug. General Webb ordered the Massachusetts men and some Regulars to march to Fort William Henry on Lake George to protect the area from Montcalm and his army. On 3 Aug. the French and Indians landed three miles from the fort and soon got around to the south of the fort, on the road leading to Fort Edward, almost completely surrounding them. The French demanded surrender but Col. Monro, the commander of the fort, refused. By the 6th the French constructed a battery 700 yards from the fort and the bombardment began. A sentry at Joseph's tent door had his thigh shot off by a cannon ball. On the 7th another battery was constructed and again the French demanded surrender. Capt. Louis Antoine de Bougainville delivered the message as well as an intercepted letter from General Webb dated 4 Aug. stating that the General: "does not think it prudent... to attempt a junction, or to assist you till reinforced by the militia of the colonies, for the immediate march of which repeated expressions have been sent... in case he should be so unfortunate as, from the delay of the militia, not to have it in his power to give you timely assistance, you might be able to make the best terms left in your power."(50)

To receive a letter of this sort was bad enough but, to have it delivered by the enemy was completely demoralizing.

Fort William Henry

The enemy fire continued and they finished construction of another battery only 150 yards from the fort and camp. The Massachusetts regiment told Joseph: "that they were quite wore out, & would stay no longer; and that they would rather be knock'd in the head by the Enemy, than stay to Perish behind the Breast Work..."(51) A Council of War was called and the officers recommended that Col. Monro surrender. Montcalm was to allow the men to march out of the fort with their arms and were to be able to retain one cannon in token of respect for their honorable defense. The sick were to be cared for by the French physicians until they were able to travel.

Fort William Henry

After the soldiers marched out of the fort the Indians rushed in and scalped the wounded and sick who were left behind in full: "view of the French officers who did not attempt to hinder or prevent it."(52) As the soldiers were preparing to leave the encampment on the 10th Dr. Miles Whitworth saw the Indians: "drag the said seventeen Men out of their Hutts, murder them with their Tomehawks & scalp them, That the French Troops posted round the Lines were not further than forty feet from the Hutts where the said Wounded then lay, that several Canadian Officers particularly one Laccorne were present, and that none either Officer or Soldier protected the said wounded Men."(53) The Indians then carried off all the Indians and Blacks belonging to the provincial units and plundered the heavy baggage of the troops. The Indians then seized the soldier's packs and Col. Monro ordered the men to throw down their packs in hopes that they would be satisfied. The French troops were of no assistance and the officers advised that they give everything to the savages. The Indians then took the arms, accoutrements and clothes. They then began killing and taking captives. Joseph described the scene: "the Savages were let loose upon us, Strips Kills & Scalps our people, drove them into Disorder, Render'd it impossible to Rally. The French Guards we were promised should Escort us to Fort Edward Could or would not protect us so that there Open'd the most horrid Scene of Barbarity immaginable. I was strip'd myself of my Arms & Cloathing that I had nothing left but Briches Stockings Shoes & Shirt, the Indians round me with their Tomehawks Spears & c threatening Death. I flew to the Officers of the French Guard for Protection but they would afford me none therefore was Oblig'd to fly and was in the woods till the 12th in the Morning of which I arriv'd at Fort Edward almost Famished."(54)

After being stripped Joseph: "took a course to the right, out of the way, to avoid the savages and strike Hudson's River, westerly, and from thence go to Fort Edward. Accordingly, he executed the plan, but in the course and progress of his run, another Englishman found him and helped him up a hill. Then being too weary to trace the hill they ventured alongside some brook or most passable place, and the Colonel being foremost saw Indians coming right towards them. Then the case was ticklish, but Colonel steped aside and they both dropped, the Colonel expecting a tomahawk in his skull every moment, but the enemy not seeing them passed them by. Then Colonel and his fellow traveler rubbed dirt on his white shirt that it might look like ground. Then they walked for the Fort and recovered it in about two and a half days from the beginning of their tedious and dangerous run and march, tired and faint enough."(55)

Most of the garrison fled down the road or into the woods or returned to the fort. Montcalm was able to save a few hundred captives from the Indians but, they left for Montreal with over 200 captives who were later returned by the French. It is estimated that 100 to 150 men, women and children were killed. Cannon were fired at Fort Edward to assist the men in finding their way back. The only reasons that New York did not fall to the French after this disasterous defeat was that Montcalm was overextended, his Indian allies had left for home, and the militia was arriving in the area.

Joseph arrived at Fort Edward on 12 Aug. and proceded to Albany on the 14th. Robert Sanders described Joseph's arrival in Albany: "Last night came to my house the Honorable Joseph Frye Esquire who I scarce knew when I first saw him he is so meager and he is still a bed, so know not whether he will write you or any body... he talks of staying here some time to collect his regiment."(56)

Joseph was back in Boston by 4 Sept. when he submitted his "Journal of the Attack on Fort William Henry" to Governor Pownal. In Monro's account of the massacre he was not very impressed with the New Englanders' performance: "I'm sorry to say it, tho with great truth, that in general, the Provincials did not behave well." He added that the Massachusetts men: "did their duty better, than either the Jersey or Hampshire men, who could never be brought to do their duty, with regularity, or resolution. The provincials in the Fort behav'd scandalously, when They were to fire over the Parapet, they lay down upon their faces and fir'd straight up, in the Air. I sent orders to the Captn who Commanded in the Fort, to take the first Man, that behav'd in that Manner, and hang him over the Wall to be shot At, by the Enemy."(57)

Joseph petitioned the Court on behalf of his regiment for extra pay due to their hardships. The House directed: "That in Consideration of the good Behaviour of the Memorialist, and those under his Command in the Defence of Fort William Henry, and of their Suffering after the Capitulation, there be allowed and paid out of the public Treasury two Months Wages to the said Officers and private Men, over and above the Allowance already made them."(58)

Joseph then petitioned the Court on his own behalf for additional money due to the extensive work he had to perform. He was therefore allowed wages until 14 Apr. 1758.

Joseph returned to Andover until being commissioned a colonel 12 Mar. 1759 to command at Fort Cumberland on the Chignecto Isthmus in Nova Scotia.

Nova Scotia was relatively quite during this phase of the war as most of the French had been driven out. Sporadic incidents occured between groups of French and Indians against the English but, no major battles took place. On 24 Apr. 1759 the regiment left Boston arriving at Fort Cumberland on 5 May. The Regulars at the fort were not impressed with the new arrivals: "The privates are a poor, mean ragged set of men, of all sizes and ages; their Officers are sober, modest men, and such of them as have been upon service express themselves very distinctly and sensibly; but their ideas, like those who have not been out of their own country, or conversed much with Europeans, are naturally confined; they make a decent appearance, being clothed in blue faced with scarlet, gilt buttons, laced waistcoats and hats; but their ordinary soldiers have no uniforms, nor do they affect any kind of regularity."(59)

Joseph issued orders on 18 May against straggling and firing their weapons a great distance from the fort to prevent the waste of ammunition and possible capture by the French. On 25 July Joseph ordered that: "not more than 3 men of each company to go out in a day, the captains to insure that the men do not take any of the King's ammunition, that sentrys would not allow any one to pass without written tickets from Major Indicott, and that soldiers must not go beyond the protection of the fort... All shooting at game, either flying or sitting near the fort, is forbidden." (60)

During haying season the soldiers hired themselves out to the settlers to mow hay. This reached a point where it became difficult to find men to mow hay for the garrison. An order was issued that all soldiers would be confined to the fort until a: "sufficient number of men are secured for getting hay for his Majesty's Use."(61)

Besides these problems the: "soldiers have accustomed themselves to gameing at cards in ye Barracks which keeps them up late in the night. Which of course unfits them for duty and is likely may be the means of leaving their fires in such a careless manner as to endanger burning their barracks... by reason of the obstinacy of the privates, the orderly sergeants are put to great difficulty in getting their respective quota of men for fatigue."(62)

Gov. Charles Lawrence

Gov. Charles Lawrence of Nova Scotia was granting land to prospective settlers and on 8 Oct. a grant was made: "by His Excellency Governor Lawrence with the Advice and Consent of His Majesty's Council for this Province to Joseph Frye, John Indicott, Thomas Cheever and a Number of other persons... giving, granting, and confirming unto them in the proportions hereafter specified Ninety-five Shares or Rights of Two Hundred Shares or Rights whereof a Tract of Land already erected into a Township by the Name of the Township of Cumberland doth consist..."(63)

Joseph never settled his lot and a new grant was made to settlers in 1763.

Joseph applied for another grant but, this was denied on 26 Oct.: "Colonel Frye, Mr. Jonathan Randall and others having made application for lands for a township situated on the Basin of Chignecto, upon searching the old records of the Province it appears that a part of the said lands had been granted away in the year 1736 to Brigadier General Richard Phillipps, Lieutenant Governor- Lawrence Armstrong and others..."(64) On 21 Oct. the garrison received the news that Quebec had surrendered on 17 Sept. On the 22nd a celebration was held to salute the victory and the King's anniversary of his coronation: "at 12 o'clock 76 great guns were fired... every officer met upon the fort parade, and drank his Majesty's good health during the firing- after which they sang God Save the King, and they, with the whole garrison, who were all assembled, save they on duty and sick, gave three cheers, at which time 20 gallons of rum was made in good toddy and given to the soldiery; at night about 6 o'clock, from the alarm posts, every man discharged his firelock three times..."(65)

The merriment did not last long as the enlistment period was over on 1 Nov. and the troops were anxious to go home now that Quebec had surrendered. The situation became worse as the men refused to do duty and were behaving disorderly. Joseph issued an order that the captains seize the troop's guns. The fact that the soldiers did not have the means nor the money to return home nor would they be paid until they reached Massachusetts saved the garrison from mutiny.

Few soldiers arrived to relieve the troops and the General Court voted to give them another six months bonus to stay until spring. As noted the troops did not have much choice.

After the surrender of Quebec the Acadians began coming to the fort to ask for terms as well as food. In a letter to Gov. Lawrence on 10 Dec. Joseph wrote: "Being fully satisfied since their Canada is taken from them, there was no danger but their necessitous Circumstances would keep them under Command, I thought it might not be amiss to use my Endeavours, to make the Collecting them into a Body, as cheap to the Government as possible. Therefore told them I would Support no more of their number through the Winter, than exceeded the reach of their own Provisions. They then begged I would allow Provisions for one third part of them, assuring me they told the Truth at first, and if I would not keep that number, they must all die by Famine; upon which I agreed that they should send Sixty three of their People to Winter here, and that the remainder of them might come out of their obscure Habitations into the french Houses remaining on Pitcoudiack and Memoramcook Rivers, where they should live in Peace till Spring, and Ordered that they all be here to attend Your Excellency's Orders concerning them..." Concerning another group of Acadians: "their Business and Circumstances with regard to Provisions, was the same as those mentioned before, So I agreed that they should send two hundred and thirty of their People to Winter here; and upon informing me that they had Twelve Vessels in their Custody, that were Taken on the Coast of Canso the Summer past, I ordered the remainder of them to come with their Effects in those Vessels to Bay Verte, as soon in the Spring as the Navigation opened, when they should know Your Excellency's pleasure concerning them."(66) Joseph along with John Huston, keeper of the King's ordnance stores at the fort, were elected the first two representatives from Cumberland Township on 4 Dec. 1759. Joseph's name does not appear anywhere within the journal of the second Assembly of Nova Scotia. He probably did not take much part in their proceedings given his military responsibilities.

The Indians also began arriving at the fort to surrender. Joseph provisioned these people as well before sending them to Halifax to sign a peace treaty. On 15 Jan. 1760 an Indian got drunk in the barracks and Joseph ordered that: "no non-commissioned officer or soldier belonging to the garrison presume on any account whatsoever to give or let any of the Indians now here or that may here after come to this place any sort of spiritous liquors of any name or nature whatsoever."(67) This order was repeated again on 19 Feb.

With all these people in the area fire wood became scarce and Joseph ordered that: "a list made up of the French people from Merimishe (Riteherto) and Petticodiac (Memromcook) and make a list of those that desire to return to place of abode, and another of the able bodied men and persons who are to go and incamp in the woods where they may supply themselves with fuel and the rest to be moved out of the fort and spur into the hospital and hutts."(68)

Joseph mentioned the Indians in a letter to Gov. Lawrence on 7 Mar.: "was in hopes (which I mentioned to Mr. Manach) I had no more treaties to make with savages; but he told me I was mistaken, for there would be a great many more here upon the same business as soon as the spring hunting was over; and on my enquiring how many, he gave me a list of fourteen chiefs... all of one nation... of Mickmacks; amounting to near 3000 souls;... I know this province, as it abounds very plentifully with furs, may reap a vast advantage by them, provided Canada returns not into the hands of the French."(69)

Articles of Submission made, and agreed to
the second day of March Anno Domini One thou-
=sand seven hundred & sixty by William Johnson
for himself, and in behalf of Charles Johnson, Claud
Sonia, & Nora Labeauve frenchmen inhabiting at
Pokomuch, on the Coast of Accadia. To Joseph
Frye Esqr Coll Commanding His Brittanick Maj=
=estys garrison of Fort Cumberland Chignecto, on
behalf of His Excellency Charles Lawrence
Esqr His said Majestys Governour & Commander
in chief of the Province of Nova Scotia ~
First, of the said William Johnson for myself
and the persons above nam’d DO by these presents
acknowledge our Subjection to the political government
of His Brittanick Majesty promising hereby
to follow all such orders as Coll Frye or the Commanding
officer of Fort Cumberland shall give us
Secondly, I promise for myself and in behalf
of the above nam’d persons to Come to Bay Vert as
early in the Spring as possible, bringing with us
all our effects of every kind. as likewise all fire arms
which are now in our possession
Thirdly, I hereby promise and engage for my
self, and the persons above mention’d upon our Arrivl
at Bay Vert aforesaid, to deliver up all our fire Arms
of every kind to Colonel Frye or the Commanding
Officer of Fort Cumberland. or to such Officer ––
as he shall appoint to receive the same, in order
to their being disposed off as His Excellency Govr
Lawrence shall direct – – – – – –

In Testimony, where I have –––
(for my self and the persons before mention’d) here
unto Sett my hand and Seal, the Day and year
before nam’d – – – – – – –

Willm O Johnson

John Indicott Maj
Thos Cheever Capt
Joned: Eddy Capt (126)

Article of Submission to the British- 2 Mar. 1760, Page 2

On 10 Mar. Joseph related that he did not trust the intentions of the French people: "in the articles of Submition of this Brittanick Majesty made by mr. Manack and other Prinsabel men for them selves and other french People Residing at Pette Coud Tack and memoram Cook I have Setteld a Quantaty of Provision these People are to have... which I take the utmost care in my power the quantaty Should not Exced the Real Necessety of the Indigent People att the Several Places above mentioned which I lookt upon my Indispencable Duty to Doe- not only the Colecting those People in to a body as Cheep to the government as Possible But to Prevent any Supplys going to the french att Restiqush and other places... as appears to me Remains obstinate as I can hear no News of their Inclination as a People to make their Submission as the others have Done... some had the Front to apply to me for Provisions to Carrey away I have Cause to Suspect there may be Sum scheem Laid among them to supply those obstanate People... therefore Its my Express orders that no Person or Persons What Ever Belonging to this garrison or What is or are Inhabitents Within the Command of this Place Presume Either Directly or indirectly to Send any Sort of Provision from this to any of the Places above Mentioned or to Supply those People with any Sort of Provision more than what they may want for their Subsistance while here."(70)

Besides his problems with his troops, the French, and the Indians he also had a problem with pigs running loose and digging in the earthworks of the fort. On 18 Mar. Joseph issued an order for the owners to put rings in the pig's noses. This was not complied with and on 2 May Joseph ordered the sentries: "whenever they see any swine digging in the earthworks they are directed to kill them if they can possibly."(71)

With the end of the additional enlistment time approaching, the men began to imbibe a great deal. Joseph ordered that the soldiers were not to have any liquor except between 11 AM and 3 PM. Also all trading with the French and Indians for any valuables was forbidden.

The date for the end of their enlistment came and went, and the soldiers became mutinous again. General Amherst wrote to Gov. Lawrence on 17 May: "I have this, by express, a letter from Governor Pownall, accompanying one from Colonel Frye, complaining of the perverseness of the men under his command, and that notwithstanding the Bounty granted them by their Government, they were bent on returning home, and quitting Fort Cumberland, threatening all to thirty-five, to go off by land."(72)

Again it was a long walk home and the men were persuaded to stay through the summer.

Things went on as they had the previous summer. In late July Joseph wrote to Gov. Lawrence that there were still over 300 French at the fort and that he expected 700 more.

The situation became more tense at the fort and on 26 Aug. 38 men seized the sloop Prosperous, which had brought supplies to the fort, and sailed for home. These men were never prosecuted as their enlistments had long ago expired.

On 8 Sept. an alarm was issued: "word to be passed by the sentries every 10 minutes after tattoo beating; patrols to pass hourly every night among and round the huts and hospital... no light, no fires after tattoo beating are allowed either English or French... no soldiers to sleep out of his barracks except such as are ordered so to do, nor to be out of the fort after tattoo beating on any pretence whatever except ordered; all officers and non-commissioned officers appointed to their alarm post shown them yesterday to hold themselves in the utmost readiness so they may take their post at a minutes warning... a discharge of three cannon is settled as a garrison alarm by which all might know that an enemy is discovered."(73) The alarm passed and, unknown to the garrison, Gov. General Vaudreuil had surrendered Canada to General Amherst at Montreal the day before.

Most of the men were sent back home over the course of the fall. Joseph remained until December when Capt. Roderick MacKenzie arrived with his company of Regulars to replace him. After transfering all the papers and duties to him, Joseph sailed for Boston on 17 Dec.

Joseph returned to Andover and at the town meeting on 21 May 1761 he was elected moderator. He then turned his attention to obtaining a land grant on the Saco River at the Indian village of Pequawket.

On 11 Nov. 1761 Joseph petitioned the General Court to be able to purchase land on the Saco River. On 18 Nov. the petition was read in the House and then tabled. On 29 Jan. 1762 the petition was refered to a committee which accepted it on 3 Mar. The House of Representatives, with consent of the Council and the governor, granted Joseph six square miles of land on the Saco River. He was required to submit a plan of the town within six months and: "to settle the same with Sixty good familys, each of which in the term of five years from the grant to have built a good house of twenty feet by eighteen and seven feet stud, and have clear'd for pasturage or tillage seven Acres each, and that they also, out of the premises grant one sixty fourth part to the first ordain'd protestant minister, One sixty fourth part for the use of a parsonage forever, One sixty fourth part for the Use of Harvd. College in Cambridge forever and One other sixty fourth part for the use of a School forever within the said town, and further that the said Joseph Frey give bond with sufficient security to the Treasurer to pay to him or his successor for the use of the Province One Hundred pounds Lawful money within twelve months from the date of the confirmation of the grant, and that the said Town shall within ten years have a protestant minister settled among them."(74)

At the May town meeting Joseph was elected as Andover's representative to the General Court. On 28 May he was appointed to a committee to look at which laws were going to expire and issue a report. On 1 June he was appointed to two other committees. Before adjournment on 15 June Joseph served on three more committees.

During this break in the sessions of the Court, Joseph went to his grant to survey it. He submitted this when he returned for the next session of the Court on 8 Sept. He served on one committee during the eleven day session. The Court reconviened on 12 Jan. 1763 and Joseph was on the committee to examine the muster rolls for the previous year. He was on several committees as well as one: "to project some proper Method for the Settlement of the Line" between Maine and New Hampshire. On 24 Feb. 1763 Joseph's land grant was confirmed.

"To all People to whome these Prefents shall come Joseph Frye of Andover in the County of Efsex and Province of Mafsachusetts-Bay in New England Esqr. Sendeth Greeting –

Whereas the great and general Court of said Province did on the third Day of March AD 1762 Granted to me the said Joseph Frye a Township of the Contents of six miles square, with liberty to lay it out in some Place on either side of Saco River in the County of York, between the River called great Ofsape and the Mountains above Pigwacket where I should think Proper to make my…[]In Consequence of which I laid out the Township at the aforesaid Place called Pigwacket and Bounded it as followeth viz, at the south Corner to a spruce Tree Marked, Thence North six degr west (by the needle) 2172 Rods to a beach Tree marked, Thence North by six degr East 2172 rods to a Maple Tree marked, Thence south six degr East 2172 rods to a Pine Tree marked, thence south six degr west 2172 rods to the first Bound, which Township Includes an Extroardinary Turn of Saco River commonly called the great Turn, by means whereof it lays on both sides of said River Notwithstanding which the said the great and General Court…{} on the twenty fourth Day of Feby AD 1763 Confirm the Lands contained within the said bounds to me the said Joseph Frye my Heirs and Afsigns forever, upon the Following Conditions viz. that I settle the same with sixty good Families, each of which in the Term of Five Years to have built a good Dwelling House of twenty feet by eighteen and seven feet stud— and to have cleared for Pafturage or Tillage seven Acres Each and that out of the Premifes Four sixty Fourths thereof, be Appropriated for Publick Ufes VIZ. one for the first ordained Protefstant Minister, one to lay for a Parfonage forever - one for the ufe of Harvard College in Cambridge foreverand one for the ufe of a school forever (which makes sixty four Rights or Shares in the said Township) and that said Town shall within ten years have a Proteftant Minister Settled among themNow know ye that I the said Joseph Frye in Consideration of the sum of twenty Pounds Sterling Money of great Britain to me in hand Paid by Simon Frye of Andover in the County of Efsex and Province aforesaid Yeoman, and upon the Conditions in this Inftrument hereafter Mentioned, Do hereby grant, Bargain, Sell, Convey and Confirm to him the said Simon Frye his Heirs and Afsigns forever one Sixty fourth Part of the Township both for Quantity and Quallity to be laid out in such Manner as he and the other Propriators thereof or their Legal Representatives, shall at any time or times hereafter by a Legal Vote (reckoning but one vote to a sixty fourth Part of said Township Direct and Determine - To have and to Hold the said granted and Bargained Premifes with the Priviledges and Appurtenances thereto belonging to him the said Simon Frye his Heirs and Afsigns forever upon the following Conditions VIZ that he the said Simon Frye his Heirs Executors or Administrators shall within the Term of Four Years from the Date hereof, Erect upon some Part of the Premifes granted him as aforesaid a good Tenantable Houfe of twenty feet by eighteen and seven feet stud: and have cleared [fill] for Pafturage or Tillage seven acres thereof and within the same time to have a good Family Settled thereon to the acceptance of me the said Joseph Frye my Heirs Executors or Administrators or to the Acceptance of a Majority of the Propriators of said Township who shall be settled within the sameAlso that he the said Simon Frye His Heirs Executors Administrators or Afsigns shall out of the Premifes hereby granted him afford the Proper Quota thereof for Land whereon to erect a Houfe for the Publick worship of god and for a Burying Place Training-field and necefsary Roads as these Propriators shall hereafter Judge Proper and Legally Determine Upon the Seasonable fulfillment of the above conditions the sixty Fourth Part of the Township granted as aforesaid shall abide and remain a good Eftate of Inheritance in Fee simples to him the… Simon Frye his Heirs and Afsigns forever-But in Default of the Performance of the Conditions to be Performed in four years his and their Efstate therein shall cease and it shall be Lawful for me the said Joseph Frye my Heirs Executors or Administrators to enter into the pofsefsion therof as though this Deed had never been made

In Witnefs of all which I the said Joseph Frye have hereunto set my hand and Seal
the Second Day of May in the third Year of the Reign
of our Sovereign Lord George the third of great Britain
Franc [sic] and Ireland King...Anno...Domine one
thoufand seven hundred and sixty three

Joseph Frye

Signed Sealed and Delivered
in Prefence of Joseph Chafe
Joseph Frye Junre
Essex...Andover, Febr 12, 1772

Then Joseph Frye Esqr above-named personally Appeard and acknowledged: the fore-written Instrument to be his free Act and Deed
Before me, Samuel Phillips [Just Pacif]
York.../Recd Septr 24, 1784
and Recorded with the Recorder
of Deeds for said County Lib[ro] 48
fol[io] 72.
Attn, Danl Moulton Regr

[Written on the side]
Colo Joseph Frye’s Deed No. 4 one of
to Simon Frye Joseph Frye’s Deeds
R’gea. Septr 24, 1784 to Simon Frye" (127)

Joseph Frye's Deed to the town of Fryeburg- Page 1, Page 2, Page 3, Page 4

Surveyor's Compass -National Museum of American History- Catalogue number: PH*315001

Inscriptions: "Made by Thomas : Greenough Boston: N. England"
Dimensions: length 11 inches; needle about 5 inches


This is a wooden compass with a paper card. Thomas Greenough (1710-1785) was a mathematical instrument maker in Boston who specialized in backstaffs and other instruments for nautical use. It is thus not surprising that the central image on this card (which is terribly worn and faded) depicts a man on shore sighting with a backstaff and a two-masted ship at sea. Joseph was the original owner of this compass, probably acquired it in 1762, at the time that the Massachusetts General Court granted him a township in Maine. The town of Fryeburg was incorporated in 1777. The Smithsonian also has the manuscript "Tables Useful in Surveying Land, made and presented by Joseph Frye to his son, Joseph Frye, Jr., November 18, A.D. 1783." (126)

Joseph then began soliciting settlers for his town. He kept eight parts for himself, one for his son Joseph Jr., one for his nephew Simon Frye, and one for Caleb Swan of Methuen who had served with Joseph at the capture of Louisbourg and who had married Joseph's niece Dorothy Frye. The other 49 parts went to 39 non-relatives.

Joseph was not re-elected to the House due to his new project in Maine but, he did serve on the committee to settle the boundary between Maine and New Hampshire. They submitted their report to the House on 28 Jan. 1764 and the House agreed with the report but, New Hampshire had not taken any part in the survey therefore the issue remained unresolved.

At the annual town meeting on 5 Mar. Joseph was chosen moderator as well as selectman. At the May meeting he was again chosen as the town's representative to the General Court.

The General Court convened on 30 May in Concord due to a smallpox outbreak in Boston. The major subject of this session was the Sugar Act which the House wanted repealed. They sent a letter to Jasper Mauduit, the province agent in London telling him to work for its repeal and to work against the proposed Stamp Act. They also sent him a "Brief State of the Rights of the Colonies" by James Otis Jr.

The Court adjourned on 15 June and Joseph went to his township. In July Joseph dined with Rev. Timothy Walker in Concord, NH and the Reverend went to Joseph's town in Sept. On 23 Sept. he preached to about 45 people. He went back home on 1 Oct. and Joseph returned to Andover and then to Boston to be at the opening of the next session of the Court on 18 Oct.

During this session of the court the Sugar Act was debated and a petition was sent to the King and Parliament requesting that the colonies continue to enjoy the privilege of internal taxation. Joseph served on the committee to prepare the travel and attendance list for the members at the session before it's adjournment on 3 Nov.

Joseph then headed back to Maine, stopping at Rev. Walker's in Concord on 18 Nov.

Joseph was back in Boston for the last session which began on 9 Jan. 1765 and served on several committees. This session adjourned on 9 Mar. Joseph was appointed by the Governor and the Council as a justice of the peace for Essex Co. on 3 Apr.(75)

On 13 Feb. 1765 the Kennebec Co. granted 1010 acres of land to General Winslow and 506 acres to Joseph near the Kennebec River.(76) Joseph's connection with the company had ended in the mid 1750's therefore the reason for this grant is unknown. Probably it was for some past service. Joseph and the General sold the property 25 June 1772 to William Sever of Kingston, MA for £450 of which Joseph received one- third.(77)

On 16 Feb. 1765 Joseph was one of three signers of a bond for £2,000 as a guarantee for Capt. Henry Young Brown to fulfil the terms of his grant of land next to Joseph's which became Brownfield.(78)

By summer Joseph was back on his land grant. In July Rev. Timothy Walker Jr. of Concord visited the township and stayed six weeks. Joseph probably went home in August as his daughter Mehitable was married to Dr. Josiah Chase on the 22nd in Andover.

On 2 Feb. 1766 the proprietors petitioned to call a meeting of the proprietors on 23 June in the township which was granted.(79) The meeting was held at Ezekiel Walker's house at Pequawket and Joseph was chosen moderator and clerk. Prior to this first town meeting at what was to become Fryeburg, Joseph was chosen moderator of the Andover town meeting on 3 Mar.(80)

Joseph was looking for a minister for the town in 1767 and contracted with Grindall Rawson of Sutton. Rev. Rawson had been unemployed prior to going to Fryeburg and had previously resigned from one pastorate under fire and had been fired from another. He also had gone through a messy divorce. Needless to say the good Reverend returned to Sutton the next year and became a school teacher.

The next meeting of the proprietors was on 29 June 1767 at Ezekiel Walker's house and Joseph was again chosen moderator. The meeting was adjourned until 27 July when they met at Joseph's house and finished their business.

Rev. Paul Coffin of Buxton passed through the town on 4 Oct. 1768 and had: "a pleasant and instructive chat" with Joseph and noted that he: "saw the gentle declivity where the Col. is about to raise his house, having the timber already hewed. The house is to be 40 and 30."(81) Evidently the earlier meetings had been held in a temporary residence.

On 2 Jan. 1770 Joseph and Mehitable sold several pieces of land including their house and barn to Samuel Carlton for £306.(82) He also directed his nephew Simon to sell Carlton his share of his mother's land as she had given Carlton a verbal promise to extend his lease to this land on which he had made several improvements. Joseph also told Simon that: "Lt. Col. James Frye, always pregnant with ill nature, watched for your Brother Isaac's coming to Town and a few days ago catched him before Carlton knew he was in Town and Bargained for his part in this land and yesterday I wrote a Deed of it to James so he has got it and I am sorry. And now, he seems to undervalue your part (as I am told) which I suppose he thinks he may do safely, since he has got Isaac's part and thereby pleases himself with the thoughts that no body will buy of you besides himself, so he shall get it very cheap."(83) No love lost between Joseph and his cousin!

About this time Joseph wrote his poem Calm Content:

No more the court nor martial themes
Delight me like the verdant groves,
Whence I concert my rural schemes
'Midst singing birds and cooing doves.

These sylvan songsters' tuneful lays
In innocence and free from fear,
So smoothly chanted on green sprays,
Both soothe my mind and charm my ear.

I would not change these rural scenes
For what in court is to be found,
Nor quit these groves and purling streams
For highest rank on hostile ground.

But thus retired I'll spend my days
In hymning praise to God on high,
Joining the birds' sweet warbling lays
To honor Heavenly Majesty.

And when from hence I take my flight,
My sins, O God, through Christ forgive,
And bring me to the realms of light
In endless peace and bliss to live

Joseph was appointed a justice of the peace for York Co. by acting Gov. Hutchinson and the Council on 21 June 1770.(85) He had by this time moved his family to the township.

On 18 Oct. 1771 Joseph petitioned the General Court for a license to sell liquor, stating that he was opening a store. The petition was eventually approved and he was granted a license to sell spiritous liquors in "Fryburgh".(86)

The boundary dispute between Massachusetts and New Hampshire caught up with Joseph by 1771 and on 31 May he petitioned for compensation for: "a Tract of Land granted to him, which by the running of the Line falls within the Province of New Hampshire."(87) After much petition writing the trade of the disputed 4147 acres was obtained to the north of Fryeburg and was surveyed in Mar. 1774, however, due to the political problems the land swap was not resolved.

Joseph was also concerned with the lack of a road to the seaport at Falmouth. In Nov. 1771 he went to Falmouth to obtain assistance in opening a road from Pearsontown (Standish) to the great falls of the Saco River. The resulting petition to the General Court for a grant of wilderness through which the road would pass was denied but, the road was completed.

On 19 Sept. 1774 the proprietors held their first meeting in seven years. Joseph was chosen moderator and clerk and the meeting was held at his house. On 5 Oct. at another meeting, the proprietors voted to give Rev. William Fessenden: "a call to settle in the Ministry of the Gospel". Another meeting was held on 16 Jan. 1775 at Joseph's house to swear in several town officials and Rev. Fessenden's letter accepting his new post was read.

By this time the war had started and on 25 May Joseph left town to try and obtain power for the town but, he: "could hear of none in Falmouth, Portsmouth, Newbury, nor any other Trading Towns in the Eastern Country, in the County of Essex nor any where else."(88) He went to Watertown where the Provincial Congress was held and petitioned for some powder and lead to protect the town from Indian attack from Canada. He then went to Andover to await the arrival of the powder. Upon hearing of the battle of Bunker Hill Joseph left Andover and went to General Ward's camp at Cambridge arriving on 19 June. Joseph noted that he: "found the Hon General Ward Commander in Chief of the Forces that were in the Field, also many other Gentlemen some of whom were officers who had been with your Memorialist in the wars with the French & Indians, and other Men that were privates, who had been under his particular Command in those wars, all of whom appear'd very Desirous of his Company in the army, and not only those, but Several of the Honorable Gentlemen belonging to the Congress then sitting at Watertown desired the Same. Your Memorialist, finding his Service so generally desired, Consented to Serve his Country accordingly, the distresses of his Exposed Plantation notwihtstanding. Whereupon the Honourable the Congress of this Colony were pleas'd to Honour Him with a Major General's Commission."(89)

Boston 1775-1776

Joseph was commissioned a Major General on 21 June 1775 by the Provincial Congress, however the Continental Congress then absorbed the provincial forces around Boston and appointed George Washington as commander in chief. Because of the poor communications of the time the Congress in Philadelphia were unaware of Joseph's commission and therefore he was without an assignment. Washington arrived at Cambridge on 2 July and assumed command. Because of Congress' and Washington's restructuring of the officers, Joseph ceased to hold any official position in the army. On 22 July the General Court sent a letter to each of the officers who were affected by this turn of events: "This House approving of your Services in the Station you were appointed to in the Army by the Congress of this Colony- Embrace this opportunity to Express Their Sense of them, and at the Same time to desire your Continuance with the army if you Shall judge you can do it without Impropriety till the final determination of the Continental Congress Shall be known with regard to the appointment of Genl officers. We assure you that the Justice of this House will be Engaged to make you an adequate Compensation for your Services. We have such Intelligence as affords us Confidence to Suppose that a few Days will determine whether any such provisions shall be made for you as is consistent with your Honor to accept, and shall give you Encouragement to remain in the Service."(90)

Joseph remained on the staff of General Ward. Since there was no longer a Massachusetts army and he did not have a Continental commission, Joseph served in an advisory position to General Ward after he assumed command of the right wing of the army at Roxbury on 25 July.

On 26 July John Adams wrote to James Warren, speaker of the House requesting information on: "the Characters and biography of the officers in the Army. I want to be precisely informed when and where, and in what Station, General Ward has served, General Thomas, the two Fry's, Whitcomb, etc., and what Colonells we have in the Army and their Characters."(91) Joseph was asked to give an account of his service in the French wars so that his record could be presented to Congress.

On 3 Aug. Joseph sent a recommendation to the Council for commissions in the militia or the Continental Army for three men who had served during the last war.(92)

General Preble arrived from Falmouth in mid summer and on 5 Aug. he stated: "In ye morning I waited on President Langdon... I then proceeded to Roxbury, met Gen'l Ward, who invited me to his Tent Quarters. I excused myself, and visited Gen'l Thomas. He received me very complaisantly and wrote a billet immediately to Gen'l Frye to come and dine with me at his table, which he did. We dined very agreeably..."(93)

Washington was trying to fill the vacant brigadier position. On 31 Aug. he wrote to John Hancock: "As the filling up the place of the vacant Brigadier General will be of the first Business of the Honble. Congress, I flatter myself it will not be deemed assuming to mention the names of two Gentlemen whose former Services Rank and Age may be thought worthy of attention on this occasion. Of the one I can speak from my own Knowledge of the other only from character, the former is Col John Armstrong of Pennsylvania..

The other Gentleman is Col Frye of Massachusetts Bay he entered into the Service as early as 1745, and rose through the different military ranks to that of Colonel, until last June, when he was appointed a Major General by the Congress of this Province; from these circumstances together with the favorable report made to me of him, I presume he sustained the Character of a good Officer, tho' I do not find it distinguished by any peculiar Service. Either of those Gentlemen or any other whom the Hon. Congress shall favor with the Appointment will be received by me with the utmost Deference and respect."(94)

The appointment of a bridgadier general was deferred and with no provision for his remaining with the army Joseph left Roxbury on 12 Oct. and went to Andover where he stayed until Nov. He wrote "A brief account of the Military Services of Joseph Frye" for the Court.

On 30 Oct. General Ward wrote to John Adams at Philadelphia: "I wish General Frye might be provided for, I think him a good man for the service, and am very sorry he has not been provided for by the Continental Congress before this time."(95)

On 15 Nov. 1775 John Adams wrote to General Ward's aide, Samuel Osgood: "The true Cause why General Frie has not recd from me any particular Intelligence is that the Matter has been hitherto suspended, and I am under such Engagements of Secrecy that I could not in Honour acquaint him with any Thing that has pass'd in Congress.

As soon as I arrived in Philadelphia, I made it my Business to introduce General Fries Name and Character into Conversation in every private Company where it could be done with Propriety, and to make his long services and Experience known. But I found an Interest making in private Circles in Favour of Coll. Armstrong of Pensilvania, a Gentleman of Character and Experience in War, a Presbyterian in Religion, whose Name runs high for Piety, Virtue, and Valour. What has been done in Congress I must be excused from saying, but nothing in my Power has been omitted to promote the Wishes of our Colony or the Honour and Interest of General Frie. It is sufficient to say that nothing has as yet been determined. But it will be settled soon. And let it be decided as it may, every good American will acquiese in the Decision."(96)

Joseph stayed in Andover during this time taking care of some private business. On 14 Nov. the Court chose Joseph to command the men at Falmouth who were to defend the coast after that town had been burned by the British: "That Joseph Frye be, and he hereby is appointed to take the command of the whole of the men stationed in the said County of Cumberland, for the defence of the sea-coast... and that he be empowered to order such intrenchments or fortifications to be erected at Falmouth, for their defence and protection, as he shall think absolutely necessary."(97)

The commission was signed by James Otis Sr., President of the Council. Joseph settled his affairs and left Andover. He arrived on the 25th and used Rev. Samuel Deane's home next to the First Parish Church on Congress St.

James Sullivan of Biddeford, who was temporarily in command at Falmouth, wrote to the Court on 26 Nov.: "We much rejoice at the appointment of General Frye, who arrived here yesterday, and have the highest expectation, from his acknowledged ability and integrity, provided he was in such a situation as would render him active; but I am sorry to say the General Court has commanded him to fight with his hands bound. In his appointment over the Militia, he is confined to the County of Cumberland, and all his operations are limited to that place, while the County of York are as much interested in, and anxiously concerned for the defence of Falmouth-Neck, as the County of Cumberland... In his other department, as commander of two hundred and fifty sea-coast men, whose time expires within one month, he can do nothing to the purpose... Besides this, when he calls the Militia (and if they should obey him), he has no way to find them provision, or any authority to provide one single necessary for his formidable army."(98)

In December Joseph wrote to the Council requesting more funds stating that the price of provisions had risen because of the shortage. Besides this the men's enlistments were going to expire. Fortunately the Court voted to raise 400 troops to defend Falmouth. There was also a shortage of housing for the men as most of the town had been destroyed by the British. Joseph wrote to Falmouth's representative in the Court, Samuel Freeman on 6 Jan.: "That Effectual Care must be taken to provide Barracks... That in making Provision for the Subsistence of those men, I hope Fire-wood will not be omitted... that Provisions of all kinds, which may be allow'd the men must be sent, except (perhaps) some Beef... I hope a Commissary & Quarter master will be appointed & vested with ample authority to Provide all the Necessaries."(99)

Joseph's rank had never been officially established. He was refered to as "general" but not specifically what type. On 1 Jan. 1776 the Court made him officially a colonel but, he was still addressed as "general".

Joseph had command of five companies of men at Falmouth. One was posted at Cape Elizabeth, one at the Lower Battery (in the area of India St.), one at the Upper Battery (at Free St.), and two at the Magazine Battery near the County Court House and Jail (now Monument Square). Besides this, the men were working on "the Great Fort on the Hill" which was located in what is now Fort Sumner Park on Munjoy Hill.

On 10 Jan. 1776 the Continental Congress elected Joseph as Brigadier General for the army in Massachusetts Bay and Benedict Arnold, Brigadier General for the army in the northern department.

Joseph's election to this post created jealousy among the rivals for this position particularly Col. Armstrong: "The New England vacancy is filled up with a certain Mr. Frye who has not before been in the Continental Service, at which appointment our friend Coll. Thompson is much Chagrinned and has resigned the Service at least in that part of the country. I am sorry for the occasion of this warmth, as the tories are ready to catch up every occasion against New England in order to promote a division."(100)

Joseph recieved a letter from Washington in early February telling him of his appointment. When Gen. Ward heard that Joseph was finally commissioned he wrote to John Hancock on 3 Feb.: "Am very glad to hear that Colo Frye is appointed A Brigadier General, doubt not he will do good & great Service for his Country."(101)

Joseph left Falmouth on 10 Feb. leaving Major Ilsley in command and went to Cambridge arriving on 15 Feb. On 16 Feb. Joseph was presented his commission by George Washington. The General Order stated: "The Congress have been pleased to appoint Joseph Fry Esqr. a Brigadier General in the Continental Army; he is to be obeyed as such and his Excellency the General orders that he shall take the command of the vacant Brigade commonly called the Cambridge Brigade."(102)

Joseph's brigade consisted of four regiments. The 14th Continental Regiment, commanded by Col. John Glover, was posted at Beverly to protect that harbor and was known for their boat handling skills (they were the men who escorted Washington across the Delaware River the following Christmas). Two other regiments from Massachusetts and one from Connecticut were posted around Cambridge commanded by Col. John Paterson, Col. Israel Hutchinson, and Lt. Col. John Durkee.

Preparations were being made to move against the British in Boston and Charlestown. Col. Henry Knox had retrieved 60 cannon from Ticonderoga and these were being placed around Boston particularly at Dorchster Heights. Washington had about 14,000 men fit for duty whereas Howe had only 8900 including sick and wounded.

The enemy's attention was to be diverted by a heavy bombardment for three nights. During this time men and material was to be secretly moved to Dorchester Heights, concealed behind bales of hay placed along Dorchester Neck. On the third night Gen. Thomas would take 2000 men, tools, and material to the proposed fortifications. At 0300 this force would be relieved by a fresh force of 3000 men. If the British attacked the Heights, Washington ordered that Gen. Putnam and 4000 men would attack the west side of Boston by boat.

"Genl. Heath's, Sullivan's, Green's and Fry's brigades are in rotation, to march a Regiment, an hour before day, every morning into the works on Letchmores point and Cobble Hill... they are to remain in the works until sunrise."(103)

The bombardment began on 2 Mar., continued on 3 Mar. and on the 4th Thomas and his men constructed the forts on the Heights. On the 5th the British awoke to this formidable battery on the hill which they could not reach with their guns. They were going to storm the Heights but, because of the weather and the fact that this action would be too costly, Gen. Howe decided to evacuate Boston.

On 8 Mar. Washington received a letter from the Boston Selectmen informing him that the British were going to evacuate the town and would not destroy it if they would not molest them during their departure.

During this time Joseph was suffering from rhumatism and this promted Washington to write to Joseph Reed, a member of Congress, on 7 Mar.: "The bringing Colonel Armstrong into this army as major-general, however great his merit, would introduce much confusion. Thomas, if no more, would surely quit, and I believe him a good man. If Thomas supplies the place of Lee, there will be a vacancy for either Armstrong or Thompson, for I have heard of no other valiant son of New England waiting promotion, since the advancement of Frye, who has not, and I doubt will not, do much service to the cause; at present he keeps his room, and talks learnedly of emetics, cathartics, & c. For my own part, I see nothing but a declining life that matters him."(104)

Reed replied on the 15th: "Poor Frye! Heaven and earth was moved to get him in- he was everything that was great and wonderful; now, I suppose we shall hear no more of him."(105)

The British evacuated Boston on the 17th and the American troops entered the town.

Realizing that his health would not allow him to continue in his position, Joseph sent his resignation to Washington on the 18th only four and a half weeks after he had arrived: "The Ministerial Troops having (yesterday) taken their departure from Boston, will, I presume, occasion the removal of the Continental Army to some distant part of the Continent. And as I find myself in such an infirm state of health as renders me unable to bear the fatiggue of such march as that manoeuvre will require, I cannot think it laudable to continue in the Army and pay of the Continent, without being able to merit the pay by my service; therefore take leave to desire I may resign the command in the Army I have been honoured with. And as I am at present unable to travel, and being one hundred and forty miles from my family, I take leave, also, to request that my resignation may take place the 11th day of April next."(106)

Washington wrote to Reed on 1 Apr.: "Nothing of importance has occurred in these parts, since my last, unless it be the resignations of Generals Ward and Frye, and the reassumption of the former, or retraction, on account as he says, of its being disagreeable to some of the officers. Who these officers are, I have not heard. I have not inquired. When the application to Congress and notice of it to me came to hand, I was disarmed of interposition, because it was put upon the footing of duty, or conscience, the General being persuaded that his health would not allow him to take that share of duty that his office required. The officers to whom the resignation is disagreeable, have been able, no doubt, to convince him of his mistake, and that his health will admit him to be alert and active. I shall leave him till he can determine yea or nay, to command in this quarter. General Frye, that wonderful man, has made a most wonderful hand of it. His appointment took place the 11th January; he desired ten days ago that his resignation might take place the 11th April. He has drawn three hundred and seventy-five dollars, never done one day's duty, scarce been three times out of his house, discovered that he was too old and infirm for a moving camp, but remembers that he has been young, active and very capable of doing what is now out of his power to accomplish; and therefore has left Congress to find out another man capable of making, if possible, a more brilliant figure than he has done; add to these the departure of Generals Lee and Thomas, taking some little acount of S and H (Spencer and Heath), and then form an opinion of the Genls of this army, their councils, & c."(107)

Poor Joseph had the misfortune to be old and sick and thus incurred Washington's wrath.

Washington and most of the regiments left for New York with Joseph and Gen. Ward remaining in Boston. On 6 Apr. the body of Joseph Warren was exumed from a hole dug by a British detail. On the 8th Joseph and General Ward were two of the pall bearers at the elaborate funeral.

Ward changed his mind again and decided to resign. On 23 Apr. the Continental Congress accepted his and Joseph's resignations: "The Congress having received your Letter of Resignation, I am commanded to acquaint you, that they have been pleased to accept the same. While they lament the cause that obliges you to retire, they cannot but acknowledge it to be a sufficient one. The reputation and Honour with which you have conducted yourself on all Occasions, in the Continental Service, must always afford you the most pleasing Satisfaction."(108) Joseph recieved this letter from John Hancock on 4 May and went to Watertown to settle his affairs before returning to Maine.

Washington was still seething with disgust over these two officers and wrote to General Lee: "General Ward, upon the evacuation of Boston, and finding there was a possibility of his being removed from the smoke of his own chimney, applied to me and wrote to Congress, for leave to resign. A few days afterwards, some of the officers, as he says, getting uneasy at the prospect of his leaving them, he applied for his letter of resignation, which had been carefully committed to my care; but, behold! it had been carefully forwarded to Congress, and, as I have since learned, judged so reasonable, (want of health being the plea) that it was instantly complied with. Brigadier Frye, previous to this, also conceiving there was nothing entertaining or profitable to an old man, to be marching or countermarching, desired, immediately on the evacuation of Boston, (which happened on the 17th of March) that he might resigne his commission on the 11th of April. The choice of the day became a matter of great speculation, and remained profoundly mysterious till he exhibited his account, when there appeared neither more nor less in it than the completion of three calendar months, the pay of which he received without any kind of compunction, although he had never done one tour of duty, or, I believe, had ever been out of his house from the time he entered till he quitted Cambridge. So much for two Generals."(109)

Washington's bigotry and sarcasm was notorious and his remarks about these two capable men attest to that. Ward confronted Washington years later after learning about one of these letters. He asked him if he was the author of the letter. Washington made no reply and Ward said: "I should think that the man who was base enough to write that, would be base enough to deny it."(110) Such was the anamosity between New Englanders and Southerners.

On 24 Apr. the General Court ordered the Joseph be paid £41/7 for: "his service as Major General one month and twelve days in the Colony Army, and also for his service as superior officer on the sea-coast establishment at Falmouth, two months and one day."(111)

Joseph felt as though his pay was not enough for the service he had provided and therefore he submitted a lengthy petition to the Court on 30 May outlining his service. The Court agreed with Joseph and allowed him an additional £44 for his service as a major general from 31 July until 15 Oct. and £4 for his expenses.

Joseph left Watertown and probably went to Andover before going to Falmouth where he was on 30 June. He then returned to Fryeburg and did not take any other part in the war. Although many of the men of the town took part in the Revolution, Fryeburg itself was removed from the hostilities.

The descendants of Joseph Frye became eligible for membership in the Massachusetts Society of the Cincinnati under the Rule of 1854.

On 22 Nov. 1776 the people of Fryeburg petitioned the General Court to incorporate into a town.(112) This petition was approved 10 Jan. 1777 with the exception of the unresolved land swap. Col. Tristram Jordan J.P., issued a warrant for the first town meeting which was held on 31 Mar. Joseph took little official part in town affairs from this point. Perhaps he felt as though enough of his relatives held office to negate any need of him holding any post. On 28 May 1777 a meeting of the Proprietors was held and Joseph was chosen moderator. At another meeting on 15 Sept. Joseph resigned as clerk. The only other office Joseph held after this time was that of moderator of the town meeting in Aug. 1779.

During this time Joseph was still trying to settle the boundaries of his town. On 25 Sept. 1778 he wrote a long letter to the General Court requesting that the matter be settled stating: "If after all the Pains I have taken and the expense that has fallen upon me in this unhappy affair, the Land must be Resurvey'd, I must beg of you it may be done this fall, for the further neglect of it (if I should live) will put me to great Trouble, and if I should be Taken out of Life before it is done, the Consequences will be very bad for my Family."(113)

On 18 Aug. 1779 Joseph was chosen moderator of the town meeting and was one five men chosen: "to draw a remonstrance and petition to the General Court showing the inability of the inhabitants to pay the heavy tax of 5975 Pounds, 15 Shillings & 9 Pence 3 Farthings and to pray abatement of so much as to bring the tax to such a sum as they are able to pay."(114)

Joseph was chosen to present the petition to the General Court which he did and the Court decided on 7 Oct. to abate £2443/12/5/3 which still left an impossible tax burden on the town.(115) Joseph was reimbursed £4 for his services two and a half years later in Apr. 1782.

In June of 1780 Joseph was appointed a Justice of the Peace and of the Quorum for York County.

"A genealogical account of the family of the Fryes in Andover, in the County of Essex and Province of Massachusetts Bay in New England, taken by the Subscriber from Captain Nathaniel Frye who kept in remembrance the Lineage of the family down to Anno Domini 1769.

The Progenitor of the Family was named John. He came from a Town or Borough or Parish called Andover near Basingtoke, in Hampshire, in Old England, and landed at Newbury in the aforesaid county of Essex (but the time of his arrival is lost), and from Newbury he came to Andover in Its infant State. His children were: 1ly John, 2ly Benjamin, 3ly Samuel, 4ly James.

1ly John, of these children in particular was born in old England, and after he had lived in Andover some time, and being esteemed a good sort of a man was made a Deacon of the first church in said Town, and lived to considerable age there but died childless.

2ly Benjamin. His children were John, Joseph, Nathaniel, Mary, Anne, Mehitable, Esther, Hepsibah. John is dead but left children, Joseph, Mary, Anne, Mehitable, all died young Nathaniel (from whom this account if principally taken) has had three wives who are dead. He had no children by them and as he is now an aged man, its likely he will die childless. Esther and Hepsibah married but left no children.

3ly Samuel. His children were John, Ebenezer, Nathaniel, Samuel, Benjamin, Hannah, Mary, Phebe, Deborah- all married and all left children.

4ly James. His children were James, Lydia, Dorothy, Sarah, Mary, Jonathan, all married and had children except Jonathan, who, in A.D. 1725 went chaplain of a company of volunteers under the command of Captain John Lovewell after the Indians who were then at war with New England. This company (who consisted of but thirty-four men), met and fought three score Indians on the bank of a pond at Pigwacket, on the 8th day of May in said year, when the captain and the greatest part of his men were killed, and the said chaplain received a mortal wound. He was able to get off of the place where the battle was fought but died in the wilderness. Jonathan being dead, and his elder and only brother James being dead sometime before, the old gentleman, their Father, gave his estate to his Grandson James, the son of his deceased son of that name. As this account was taken by the subscriber in order to show his children from whence and from whom they descended, he now confines his account to that branch of the Family he Sprang from, which was from Samuel the 3d son of the Old Gentleman, the Father of the Family as before shown. The subscriber's father was John (the oldest son of the said Samuel) who was the 3d son of the Progenitor of the Family, the account of whose family now follows-

John- His children: 1 John, 2 Isaac, 3 Joshua, 4 Abial, 5 Mehitable, 6 Anne, 7 Phebe, 8 Joseph, 9 Hannah, 10 Anne, 11 Samuel, 12 John, 13 Tabitha. The subscriber now proceeds to particularize concerning this family (of which he is the 8th child in the course of Birth), all which particulars have occurred within his memory and are as follows, viz:-

1 John died at the age of twenty-one, not married; left no child nor children behind him.

2 Isaac. His children were 1 Naomah, 2 Martha, 3 Dorothy, 4 Dorcas, 5 Susanna, 6 Huldah, 7 Tabathy. The Father of these children and his youngest Daughter Tabatha died within a few hours of each other and were both buried in one grave; the other three children lived to marry and have children. N.B. The mother of these children died about a year before the death of their Father.

3 Joshua- His children by his first wife were Mary, Joshua, Jonathan; the two last died young; Mary married and is the mother of several children. His children by his second wife were Joshua and John.

4 Abiel. His children were Abigal (who died young), Abiel, Simon, Abigail, Isaac- all married (except Abiel) and have children.

5 Mehitable married and lived to considerable age but died childless.

6 Anne died young, not of age to marry.

7 Phebe married and lived to considerable age but died childless.

8 Joseph- His children were Joseph, Samuel, Mehitable, all died young and within a few days of each other, with a terrible distemper, called the throat distemper in A.D. 1738, which swept off a great number of children in many parts of New England. His next child was Mehitable, who lived but sixteen days. After which his children were Mehitable, Joseph, Tabitha, Hannah, Richard, Nathaniel, Samuel.

9 Hannah- married, is now a widow and mother of several children.

10 Anne married, is now a widow and mother of several children. She was named Anne to bear up the name of her that died young as above shown.

11 Samuel died in the thirteenth year of his age.

12 John was so named to bear up the name of John who died about twenty-one years of age as above shown, but he died unmarried about nineteen years of age; left no offspring.

Joseph Frye, the son of Joseph and Mehitable Frye, was born on the 17th of July, 1733. Samuel Frye, the son of Joseph and Mehitable Frye, was born on the first day of January, 1735; Mehitable Frye, daughter of Joseph and Mehitable Frye, was born on the 16th day of April, 1738; Mehitable Frye, daughter of Joseph and Mehetable Frye, was born on the 12 day of May, 1739, and died on the 28th of the same month; Mehitable Frye, the daughter of Joseph and Mehetable Frye, was born on the 8th day of April, 1741.

Joseph Frye, the son of Joseph and Mehitable Frye, was born on the 10th of July, 1743. Tabitha Frye, the daughter of Joseph and Mehetable Frye, was born on the 11th day of October, 1744. Hannah Frye, daughter of Joseph and Mehetable Frye, was born the 23d day of March, 1748/9. Richard Frye, son of Capt. Joseph Frye and Mehitable Frye, was born on the 5th day of August, 1751.

Nathaniel Frye, son of Capt. Joseph Frye and Mehetable Frye, was born on the 22d day of April- 1753.

Samuel Frye, son of Col Joseph Frye and Mrs. Mehetable Frye, was born on the 5th day of July, 1758

Joseph Frye, the son of Joseph adn Mehetable Frye, died on the 27th day of August, 1738. Mehitable Frye, the Daughter of Joseph and Mehitable Frye, died on the 9th day of September, 1738. Samuel Frye, the son of Joseph and Mehetable Frye, died on the 10th day of September 1738.

Dear Children:

Being sensible the foregoing genealogy neither is or can be of any public benefit, it cannot be worthy of public notice. I therefore have no other meaning than to hand it down to you, to the end that you and your descendants may (if you or any of them have or may have the curiosity) look back to the first of the family in Andover, from whom you derived your nativity, and may continue it along to many generations, if you or any of them think proper to do it; with that view (and no other) it is presented to you by your

Affectionate Father

March 19, 1783.....................Joseph Frye."(116)

Joseph was evidently not satisfied with his situation as he wrote to Rev. Benjamin Parker of Haverhill on 9 June 1783: "After spending near twenty years in publick life, viz in Camp & Court, which gave me the advantage of the Company & intimate acquaintance of many of the most Sensible Gentlemen of this Country & many such from Europe,- my lot has been to retire and fix myself in this remote place, where I am destitute of such Company as I wish might have succeeded the former. Being now advanced to old age, and exercised with such Bodily maladies as has much impaired my Constitution and rendered me inevitably Liable to a disorder which subjects the mind to such a melancholy gloom as has rendered the life of many Persons, even in a time of Publick & private Prosperity, very unhappy.- And if so what must I feel when musing upon the loss of many Sensible Friends, some by death and some by the late unhappy war, and seeing that... moral rectitude & social affection which rendered mankind Blessings to each other are so Obliterated that they exist in the breasts of but few, and the amazing debt the war has brought upon us, and no prospect in view of its being paid by any means but such as will bring the greatest part of the People in this Country into the utmost distress and no understanding friend (except C. Swan) to afford a word of Consolation."(117)

Joseph still did not have his boundary settled. A committee of the House had been appointed in Mar. 1781 but they did not issue their report until Mar. 1784. They stated that Joseph's plan was unreasonable and they proposed an alternate swap. Unfortunately their alternate proposal interfered with the grant of New Suncook (Lovell). No further progress was therefore made concerning Joseph's problem.(118)

During this time the issue of separation from Massachusetts became prominent. A convention was held at Falmouth on 4 Jan. 1786 and consisted of 33 delegates, five of whom were from Fryeburg, one of them being Joseph. A list of grievances was prepared to support the separation from Massachusetts including: the fact that the interests of the two areas were different and Maine's interest was not being properly promoted; proper handling of business before the Supreme Judicial Court was difficult because of the vast distance involved; present trade regulations reduced the price of lumber; a portion of the inhabitants were denied representation in the House because the towns were not of sufficient size; the present system of taxation by polls and estates was unfair to Maine residents; excise and impost acts were also unfair; and the duty on deeds was inequitable because of the more frequent sale of property in Maine than in Massachusetts.(119) At the reconvened town meeting on 10 Mar. the town unanamously voted to separate from Massachusetts, however they were in the minority.

Joseph sold to his sons Richard and Samuel Frye of Fryeburg, Husbandmen for £414/14: "my Farm I call my Homestead Farm on which I now dwell being two first division upland lots laid out for forty acres each... two first division intervale Lots of land laid out for twenty acres each... adjoining each other together with my Dwelling House & Barn standing on the Southernmost of said Upland Lots... except... a small piece lying on the Northerly side of and adjoining to a creek near the North side of my son Josephs Dwelling House..." 6 Aug. 1786. The deed was witnessed by William Fessenden and Jonathan Dresser.(120)

On 8 Jan. 1787 a town meeting was held during which the townspeople voted to adopt a set of recomendations prepared by Joseph. He wanted an equitable solution to paying off the securities that were given to Massachusetts soldiers during the Revolution instead of pay. Many had sold their bills of credit to others for a greatly reduced sum and now the government was going to redeem these securities, paying the face value to those who had not served their country. Joseph proposed to reduce the value of the securities to an equitable level which the purchasers of these bills should have and to use the remainder to compensate the soldiers. Joseph also asked the town's representative to the Court to use his efforts to see that Congress be impowered to regulate commerce with foreign nations which would: "bring on such a demand for American produce, as will cause a circulation of money, that will reach into the inland parts of these States, where now there is no appearance of any."(121) Joseph felt that unless Congress: "make it manifest to the world, they are united therein, it must be acknowledged (as it is esteemed by foreigners) that the confederation and perpetual union of these States is but an empty name!"(122) Joseph also proposed that the state issue script to relieve the shortage of hard currency until the tax situation could be resolved and foreign trade stimulated. There is no record of how his ideas were received in Boston.

On 10 Mar. 1787 Joseph finally had the approval of the General Court for his land swap. After sixteen years trying to settle this problem it was finally put to rest.(123)

In 1787 John Hancock was re-elected as Governor against James Bowdoin. Because of this change in command Joseph was reappointed as a Justice of the Peace and of the Quorum. He retained this appointment until his death.

Joseph sold to his sons: "In Consideration of the Paternal Love and affection I have for my two sons namely Richard and Samuel Frye of Fryeburg... a second Division Upland lot on the Southerly side of Saco River N. thirty three... containing Forty three acres one Quarter & thirty Seven rods- Secondly a first Division Upland Lot N. Forty seven... containing thirty five acres and three Quarters and Twenty six Rods both of which Lots are bounded on the Road leading out of the Main Road on the Southerly side of the River in Fryeburg aforesaid to Simon Frye, Esq. Thirdly a Second Division Intervale lot on the Southerly side of Saco River N. fifteen containing twenty nine acres of Qualified land adjoining and laying up River of a Second Division Intervale lot now owned by one W.W. Keen who purchased the same of Mr. Samuel Walker junr... Fourthly a hundred acre Upland Lot laid out as third Division land on the Southerly side of Saco River aforesd Bounded Northerly on Land belonging to the Rev. Mr. Wm. Fessenden Southerly on Land belonging to Mr. Ezekiel Walker Eastwardly on land belonging to the abovesaid Joseph Frye, Esqr and westwardly on Common or undivided land..." 12 Mar. 1790. This deed was witnessed by William Fessenden and Joseph Frye Jr.(124)

"I Joseph Frye of Fryeburg... make this my Last Will and Testament... hertofore I have imparted to each of my Sons and to my Eldest Daughter Estate in Lands by Deeds of gift- So that the Land which by this Instrument I shall give to my Children is the remainder of the Lands I have left in the Town aforesaid and in a Tract of Land adjoining the Northerly part thereof, commonly called Fryeburg Addition...

1ly I give to my Eldest Son Joseph Frye an upland lot of Land, laid out for forty acres be the same more or less laying on a Hill called Walker's Hill and adjoining to a forty acre Lot of upland belonging to Benjamin Wiley and one of my Silver Table Spoons.

2ly I give to my Son Nathaniel Frye an upland Lot of Land laid out for forty acres be the same more or less laying near Mr. McKeens, and my Intervale Lot of Land (called the broad point Lot) laid out for thirty acres be the same more or less, laying below Mr. William Wiley's and one of Silver Table Spoon.

3ly I give to my Sons Richard Frye and Samuel Frye all the remainder of my Household goods & Furniture of every denomination (except what thereof, I have above and shall herunder otherwise dispose of) to be equally divided between them,- Each of them to have, in his dividend thereof, one of my Silver Table Spoons.

4ly I give to my Eldest Daughter Mehitabel who is the wife of Doctr Josiah Chase thirty acres of Land to be taken out of my uplands not above nor any otherwise disposed of, and one of my Silver Table Spoons, which, with what I gave her at her marriage, what She has lately had of her Deceased Mother's wearing Apparrel, and the Land I have heretofore given her by Deed of gift makes up what I think She ought to have of my Estate. But by a certain consideration one thereunto moving, I give to her Husband the said Josiah Chase a Silver Instrument (which one of my bodily maladies obliges me to keep constantly by me) called a cathetor.

5ly I give to my Daughter Tabitha the wife of Majr. Joseph Pettingill one of my Silver Table Spoons, Six pewter Plates, a note of hand Dated July 3d 1773 whereby he the said Joseph Pettingill stands indebted to me the sum of seventeen Pounds two Shillings principal and the Interest thereof from the Date of said Note, and One hundred acres of Land to be taken out of my uplands that are not above nor otherwise disposed of, and as she lives in the State of New York, which is at such a distance from this place, that it is impossible any Improvent of it can be made to her advantage I would have due care taken that said Land be such with respect ( ) which makes up what I think she ought to have of my Estate.

6ly I give to my Grand- Children the Children of my deceased Daughter Hannah who was the wife of Mr. William Sargeant, Sixty acres of Land, to be taken out of my uplands, that are not above, nor otherwise disposed of, and as this Land must be divided among them it cannot be improved so much to their advantage as I wish it might, I therefore think it would be best for them that it might be sold and the proceeds of the sale be divided among them, and for that Reason, I would have the same care taken with regard to its quality and Situation, as above directed with regard to the Land I have given to my above named Daughter Tabitha Also that there be paid them out of my Estate in money, the value of one of my Silver Table Spoons, which with the Lands hereby given them and what I gave their Mother at her Marriage makes up what I think she ought to have of my Estate might she have lived to receive it herself.

7ly I give to my Son Joseph my best Hat- To my Son Richard my scarlet cloak & my Silver Stock Buckle- To my Son Samuel my Silver Shoe Buckles and Silver Knee Buckles- And my wearing Apparrel (except my Hat & Cloak above mentioned) I give to my Sons Joseph, Richard, Nathaniel and Samuel, to be equally divided among them Also I give to them my above named Sons my Books and Pamphlets to be divided equally between them but with this caution, that my Largest Bible, shall be in the Dividends of my Sons Richard and Samuel

8ly I give to my Sons Joseph Frye, Richard Frye, Nathaniel Frye, Samuel Frye all the residue of my Lands in the Town of Fryeburg aforesaid and in that Tract of Land that lays adjoining to the northerly part of said Town commonly called Fryeburg Addition (that is all that is my due in said Town & said Addition not above nor otherwise disposed of) viz all of it that is already laid out in said Town & Addition (except as above excepted) and what is my due in the Common & undivided Lands in both places, which shall be divided among them in shares of as near equal value as possible, Saving that the Lots of Land above given to my Sons Joseph & Nathaniel shall be reckoned to them as part of their Dividends thereof.

Now be it Known that in Consideration of what Estates in Land and other Means I have heretofore given them my said Sons Joseph, Richard, Nathaniel and Samuel, with what I have given them in this Instrument, I think it Just, and accordingly lay them under the following Injunctions viz

1ly That they pay all my just Debts (if any such shall be left unpaid at my decease) in the payment whereof each one of them shall pay one fourth part thereof.

2ly That Each one of my said Sons Shall bear one fourth part of the Expence of the Interrment of my Body, which I would have done in a Decent Christian like manner, without any Military Parade (as has been proposed to me) on account of the long time and many offices I Sustaind in the Service of my Country in their former and latter Wars, the Saving the expence whereof, I think will be better for the Families of my Children than the Honr of it can be of Service to them or me.

3ly That my said Sons shall be at Equal Expence for decent grave stones to be set up at my own and their Mother's grave- And as the place where their Mother is Interred is a peice of land that was my own (but now belongs to my Sons Richard & Samuel) and is now Fenced with a Rail Fence and Designed by my self, and them the said Richard & Samuel for a buring place of my Self and Family and the Families of my Children that may die in this place I think it just that my Sons the said Joseph, Richard, Nathaniel & Samuel be at Equal Expence to fence it in with a Substantial Stone wall and take Equal care to keep said wall in good repair and the ground a clean piece of grass ground.

Lastly I Do hereby constitute and appoint my Sons Joseph Frye, Nathaniel Frye and the Revd. William Fessenden jointly and severally Executors of this my Last Will and Testament and the Reason of my appointing them in manner as aforesaid is to the End that in case of the removal of any one or two them by Death or otherwise before the busness may be finished that the Survivors or Survivor may be able to finish the business of the trust hereby committed to them, and Save the Expence of Administration ( ). And I do now declare this to be my Last Will and Testament allowing it and no other to be so. In Witness whereof I have hereunto Set my hand and Seal the Seventh day of July Anno Domini one thousand Seven hundred and ninety three and in the Sixteenth year of American Independence.

Joseph Frye

Signed, Sealed and Declared by
the said Joseph Frye to be his
Last Will and Testament in
presence of us
Jonathan Dresser
Jonathan Dresser Junr.
Levi Dresser."

Joseph Frye's Will, page 2, page 3, page 4, page 5

"An Inventory of the Estate of Joseph Frye late of Fryeburg in the County of York, Esqr., deceased...

Personal Estate

A Beaver Hat 30/ two Brushes 9/. a black Handkf 3/………………………………………………………. £ 2..2..-
Two full trimmed skirts 24/. two shirts 9/. three Stocks 3/.................................................................... 1..16..-
A Velvet Coat 24/. a Broadcloth Coat 18/. a strait Coat 10/................................................................ 2..12..-
A Nankin Waistcoat 5/ a Waistcoat 2/ a loose Coat 5/ ………………………………………………………….12..-
A pair of Leather Breeches 3/. a pair Leather Gloves 1/. pair Linen gloves 1/....................................... .. 5..-
A pair worsted Hose 5/, a pair of linen Hose 6/...................................................................................... ..11..-
A pair of Cotton Hose 3/, a pair of linen Hose 3/…………………………………………………………….. .. 6..-
A pair of linen Hose 1/6, two pair of Hose 2/........................................................................................ .. 3..6
A broadcloth Cloak 60/. a pair of Silver Shoe Buckles 9/....................................................................... 3..9..-
A pair of Silver Knee Buckles 5/. a Silver Stock Buckle 4/....................................................................... ..9..-
Table Linen 12/. 6 Pewter Plates 9/. two large Pewter dishes 15/........................................................ 1..16..-
Seven Pewter dishes 35/ twenty two pewter plates 15/ ……………………………………………………..2..10..-
A Pewter Can 1/ 6 Ten Milk pans 9/ six Tin Tart pans 4/...................................................................... ..14..-
Six Silver Table Spoons 42/. four Silver Tea Spoons 8/....................................................................... 2..10..-
Tea Cups & Saucers 1/6 six Earthen plates 6/ a Tea Pot 1/6................................................................. ..9..-
Two brass Candlestickes 2/ Flat Irons 9/ a Tin Candlestick 1/.............................................................. ..6..-
A Glass Canister 1/ a Glass Decanter 2/ six Wine Glasses 3/................................................................ ..6..-
A brass skimmer 1/ a pair of Steel yards 3/........................................................................................... ..4..-
A Feather Bed under Bed Bedstead & bedding, bolster & pillows 60/................................................. 3..-..-
A Feather Bed under Bed Bedstead & bedding, bolster & pillows with Curtains & Valance 48/....... 2..8..-
A Field Bed under Bed Bedstead Pillow & Blanket with the headcloth and Valance 30/.................. 1..10..-
A Warming pan 9/ a Desk 36/ four Chests 40/ a small Chest 3/.......................................................... 4..8..-
Two Tables 15/ three Chairs 6/ a Linen Wheel 9/ a Hascomb 12/....................................................... 2..2..-
An Iron Kittle 15/ a Brass Kittle 6/ a Copper Tea Kittle 3/................................................................. 1..4..-
Andirons 3/ two pair of Tongs 8/ a fireslice 3/……………………………………………………………... -..14..
Three Glass Bottles 1/ a Trammel 6/ Frying pan 5/ a spit 6/............................................................. -..18..-
A pair of Snuffers 1/ Meat Tubs & dry Casks- Sixteen 20/................................................................. 1..1..-
A Lamp 1/ a Coat Brush 1/ a Mortar & Pestle 12/……………………………………………………...... -..14..-
A Catheter 18/................................................................................................................................... -..18..-
A large Bible 10/ thirty five pamphlets 11/8 a Book of maps 48/...................................................... 3..9..8
Baileys Dictionary 10/ a military orderly Book in Manuscript 10/..................................................... 1..-..-
An old small Bible 1/6 a French Dictionary 10/............................................................................... 11..6..-
Bland's Exercise 3/ The true born English man 3/ Bacon's Essays 6/............................................... -..12..-
Paradise regained 4/ a Psalm Book 1/6 a Military Book /4............................................................. -..5..10
A French Book 2/ British Remembrances 1/6 a Book on cookery 1/6................................................ -..5..-
Notes of hand to the amount of £28..11..1..2………………………………………………………….. 28..11..1..2
A curious French Pipe 6/ an Ink stand 1/ a Wafer box & seal 12/.................................................... -..19..-
Two sand boxes 1/ a Tobacco box 3/................................................................................................. -..4..-
One Yard & almost an half of Gold Lace 12/.................................................................................. -..12..-
A Razor & case 2/ a Hone 1/6........................................................................................................... -..3..6


Real Estate

Eight common & undivided Rights in the Township of Fryeburg @ 9£ each.......................................................................................................... 72..-..-
Four hundred & fifty acres of third division Lands laying in Fryeburg Addition @ 9/ pr acre.......................................................................... 202..10..-
A first Division Upland Lot No 39 containing forty five acres of qualified Land, laying south of Saco River @ 12/ pr acre................................. 27..-..-
A first Division Upland Lot No. 50 containing forty acres of qualified Land laying south of Saco River @ 12/ pr acre..................................... 42..12..-
A Second Division Upland Lot No. 15 containing Sixty four acres of qualified Land, laying south of Saco River @ 12/ pr acre......................... 38..8..-
A first Division Intervale Lot No.38 containing twenty one Acres of qualified Land, laying south of Saco River @ 18/ pr acre........................ 18..18..-
A Second Division Intervale Lot No.14 containing forty eight acres of qualified Land, laying south of Saco River @ 22/ pr acre.................... 52..16..-
Part of a third Division laying south of Saco River Eighty one acres @ 12/ pr acre........................................................................................... 48..12..-
Part of a third Division of Upland laying South of Saco River- forty eight acres @ 12/ pr acre......................................................................... 28..16..-

                                                                                                                                                                                                                 Total 632..3..1..2

Fryeburg Novr 18th 1794
Simon Frye
Jonathan Dresser Junr. Appraisers
Benjamin Wiley"

Inventory of Joseph Frye's Estate, Page 2

"The following is an Assignment by the Executors of Joseph Frye Esqr. deceased, of the several parcels of Land bequeathed by the said deceased to his Daughters & their Heirs, in compliance to his last Will & Testament...

Bounds of the Land assigned to Mehitabel Chase Daughter of said deceased... being the southwardly part of third Division No. 21 & contains thirty acres

Bounds of the Land Assigned to the Heirs of Hannah Sargent, Daughter of said deceased... being the whole of first Division Upland Lot No.50 & the Northwardly part of third Division No.21 and contains sixty acres.

Bounds of the Land Assigned to Tabitha Pettingill Daughter of said deceased...being the whole of third Division No.20 and a tract of Land laid to complete the eight Rights late the property of Joseph Frye Esqr. third & fourth Divisions & in lieu of Land taken off for Roads And contains one hundred acres.

Fryeburg June 9th, 1796

William Fessenden
Nathaniel Frye, Executors"

"The undersigned, three of us Sons & Legatees and the other an attorney or agent for Joseph Frye an absent Son & Legatee, of Joseph Frye Esqr. deceased, do hereby mutually agree upon a division of such part of said deceaseds real Estate as is devised to us in his, the said deceaseds last Will & Testament, in the following Manner, viz.-

Joseph Frye to have the following pieces or parcels of Land as his part of what was devised to him.

Second division Upland Lot No.15 laying south of Saco River, reckoned at........................................ 80..0..0
One hundred & thirty six acres of third division Land, to lay from the state line the length of said 3d division line, on the line between Bradley & Eastman & Fryeburg Addition, & such a width as that a parallel line with the line last mentiond will complete the one hundred & thirty six acres reckoned at.......................................................................................................................................................... 204..0..0
One hundred & Ninety four Acres three Rood & sixteen perch of Fourth division Land, to be taken off the southwardly part of a tract of Land laid out to the original Rights of Joseph Frye Esqr. as fourth division Land, and laying upon the state line, and two common & undivided Rights Reckond at…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 60..0..0


Richard Frye & Samuel Frye, to have the following peices or parcels of Land, as their part of what was devised to them-

Second division Upland Lot No.14 laying south of Saco River, reckoned at........................................ 128..0..0
they paying their Brother Nathaniel Frye thirty one Dollars Two hundred & Ninety acres & thrity two perch of third division Land, bounded Westwardly by the line of a piece of Land herein after assigned to Nathaniel Frye, and from the southeastwardly corner of said Nathaniels Land, upon Mr. Isaac Abbots Land to... Joseph Fryes one hundred & thirty six acres... reckoned at.................................... 471..0..0
Two hundred acres of fourth division Land, bounded by Bradley & Eastman's line Northerly by great Keezer Pond Eastwardly, by Col. Pages Land Southerly, & by their own & Joseph Fryes third division Land Westerly- Two hundred & thirteen acres, two roods & three perch of fourth division Land laying on the state line, and is the Northerly part of the fourth division Land, laid to the original Rights of Joseph Frye Esqr. & adjoins to the one hundred & ninety four acres, three Roods & sixteen perch, above assigned to Joseph Frye, & four common & undivided Rights Reckoned at.......................................................................................................................................................... 120..0..0


Nathaniel Frye to have the following pieces or parcels of land as his part of what was devised to him

First division Upland Lot No. 39 laying south of Saco River Reckoned at............................................ 80..
First division Intervale Lot No. 38 laying south of Saco River, Reckoned at........................................ 63..
Second division Intervale Lot No. 16 laying south of Saco River, Reckoned at.................................. 110..
Twenty three acres three Roods & eight perch of third division Land, bounded Westwardly by the state line, then from the state line Eastwardly by Joseph Frye's Land for as may be necessary to give twenty three Acres, three Roods & eight perch by a line running parallel with the state line from Joseph Frye's line to Isaac Abbots line-
One hundred & seventy one acres & eight perch of fourth division Land laying in McNeal turn (so called) and two common & undivided Rights, and to Receive thirty one Dollars from his Brothers Richard & Samuel, Reckoned at………………………..... 91.


Fryeburg December 24 1796

Benjamin Wiley for & in behalf of Joseph Frye
Richard Frye
Nathaniel Frye

Attest John Farington, Samuel Frye
Robert Wiley"

Division of Joseph Frye's Estate, Page 2, Page 3, Page 4, Page 5, Page 6

The Eastern Herald of Portland published Joseph's obituary on 2 Aug. 1794: "On Friday, the 25th inst. departed this life, and on the Lords day afternoon following, was decently and honourablly interred General JOSEPH FRYE, in the 83d year of his age.- In early life he was called upon to engage in the defence of his country, passed through several military grades, in all which he discovered a genius commanding applause. In his last sickness, which consisted of a complication of disorders, he endured great bodily pains, which he bore with true Christian fortitude. He gave the fullest testimony of his firm and unshaken belief to the truth of the Christian religion; and his dying request, to his children, was, to live in Christian Love and Friendship, and yield a strict obedience to the precepts of the gospel."(126)

Issue- all children born in Andover, MA (see Andover & Fryeburg V.R.)

·  I. Joseph- b. 17 July 1733, d.s.p. 27 Aug. 1738

·  II. Samuel- b. 1 Jan. 1736, d.s.p. 10 Sept. 1738

·  III. Mehitable- b. 16 Apr. 1738, d. 10 Sept. 1738

·  IV. Mehitable- b. 8 Apr. 1741, m. 22 Aug. 1765 Josiah Chase (drowed in Saco River Oct. 1796), d. 24 Jan. 1818 Fryeburg, ME

·  V. Joseph- b. 10 July 1743, m. Mary Robinson (b. 3 Sept. 1744 Andover, d. 7 May 1785 Fryeburg), d. 20 Jan. 1828 Fryeburg

·  VI. Tabitha- b. 11 Oct. 1746, m. Maj. Joseph Pettengill, d. 10 Aug. 1795

·  VII. Hannah- b. 23 Mar. 1749, m. 22 Aug. 1771 William Sargent, d. 24 Mar. 1782

·  5VIII. RICHARD- b. 5 Aug. 1751, m. 5 May 1788 SARAH GORDON (b. 8 Aug. 1756 Andover, d. 7 Apr. 1853), d. 2 Feb. 1836 Fryeburg

·  IX. Nathaniel-b. 4 Apr. 1753, m.c.1773 Dorothy Swan (d. 27 Apr. 1840), d. 17 Apr. 1833 Fryeburg

·  X. Samuel- b. 5 July 1758, m. May 1784 Mary Gordon (b. 30 Aug. 1758, d. 14 Aug. 1811), d. 27 May 1827 Fryeburg


(1) True History of the Terrible Epidemic Vulgarly Called the Throat Distemper- Ernest Caulfield, Yale Journal of Biology & Medicine, Vol.XI, pp.67,103
(2) Louisbourg Soldiers- Charles Hudson, NEHGR, XXIV, pp.368-78
(3) Benjamin Cleaves' Journal of the Expedition to Louisbourg, 1745- NEHGR, LXVI, p.114
(4) Journal Kept by Lieutenant Daniel Giddings- Essex Institute Collections, LXVIII, p.294
(5) The Journals and Papers of Seth Pomeroy- Louis E. de Forest, p.15
(6) Ibid
(7) Ibid-pp.8,16,19
(8) Ibid- p.20
(9) Benjamin Cleaves' Journal of the Expedition to Louisbourg, 1745- NEHGR, LXVI, p.121
(10) Diary Kept by Lieut. Dudley Bradstreet- Samuel A. Green, p.21
(11) Pepperrell Papers- Mass. Hist. Soc., Vol.I, p.295
(12) letter from Eveleth to Pepperrell, Belknap Collection, MSS at Mass. Hist. Soc., B, p.167
(13) MA-LXXII, p.731
(14) Sebago Lake Land- Herbert G. Jones, p.13
(15) MA- LXXIII, p.737
(16) Journal of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts- 1750-1751, XXVII, p.14
(17) Ibid- p.27
(18) Ibid- p.41
(19) Ibid- pp.108,115-6,120
(20) Ibid- p.158
(21) Ibid- p.74
(22) Ibid- p.129
(23) MHS- Vol.I, p.123
(24) Journal of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts- 1751-1752, XXIX, p.15
(25) Journal of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts- 1753-1754, XXX, p.87
(26) letter from Winslow to Lithgow, 14 July 1754, John Winslow Journal, MSS at Mass. Hist. Soc.
(27) MA- XCIII, pp.107,118-9,127,131-45
(28) Provincial Papers of New Hampshire- Vol.VI, p.364, original in Fogg Autograph Collection, MHS
(29) Selections from the Public Documents of the Province of Nova Scotia- T. B. Akins, p.267
(30) The Forts of Chignecto- J.C. Webster, Lt. Col. Monckton's Journal, 3 Sept. 1755
(31) London Magazine for 1755, p.627; Supplement to the Boston Gazette, 6 Oct. 1755
(32) Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society- Vol.III, pp.94-5
(33) The Forts of Chignecto- J.C. Webster, Lt. Col. Monckton's Journal, 10 Sept. 1755
(34) Journal of Abijah Willard- NB Hist. Soc. Coll., 18 Sept. 1755
(35) Diary of John Thomas- NEHGR, XXXIII, 384
(36) The Forts of Chignecto- J.C. Webster, Lt. Col. Monckton's Journal, at end of journal
(37) Journal of Abijah Willard- NB Hist. Soc. Coll., 5 Jan. 1756
(38) Orderly Book of Major Frye- Newberry Library, 6 Feb. 1756
(39) John Winslow Journal- Mass. Hist. Soc., F, 40
(40) MA- LV, p.384
(41) Loudoun Papers- Huntington Library, San Marino, Cal., LO 2070
(42) Ibid- LO 2983
(43) Ibid- LO 3174
(44) Ibid- LO 4662
(45) MA-LVI, p.116
(46) Ibid-p.174
(47) Boston Evening Post- 8 Aug. 1757
(48) Ibid
(49) Loudoun Papers- Huntington Library, San Marino, Cal., LO 4050
(50) Ibid- LO 4479
(51) Ibid- LO 4660A
(52) Ibid
(53) Parkman Transcripts- Mass. Hist. Soc., XLII, p.154
(54) Journal of the Rev. Paul Coffin- MHS Coll., Vol.IV, p.284
(55) MA- LVI, p.220
(56) Loudoun Papers- Huntington Library, San Marino, Cal., LO 5309
(57) Journal of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts- 1757-1758, XXXVI, part 2, p.293
(58) Captain John Knox's Historical Journal of the Campaigns in North America, 1757-1760- Arthur G. Doughty, Vol.III, p.306
(59) The Forts of Chignecto- J.C. Webster, 25 July 1759
(60) Ibid- 7 Aug. 1759
(61) Fragment and Orderly Book by Captain Jonathan Eddy- Clara A. Avery, 30 Sept. & 1 Oct. 1759
(62) Land Grants- NS Provincial Archives, Reel 98, Book 2, p.174
(63) Council Minutes, 1757-1760- NS Archives, CCXI, p.90
(64) Fragment and Orderly Book by Captain Jonathan Eddy- Clara A. Avery, 22 Oct. 1759
(65) Selections from the Public Documents of the Province of Nova Scotia- T. B. Akins, pp.311-2
(66) Orderly Book of Sergeant Josiah Perry- 15 Jan. 1760, MSS at American Antiquarian Soc.
(67) Ibid- 4 Feb. 1760
(68) A History of Nova Scotia- Beamish Murdoch, Vol.II, p.396
(69) Orderly Book of Sergeant Josiah Perry- 10 Mar. 1760, MSS at American Antiquarian Soc.
(70) Ibid- 2 May 1760
(71) Selections from the Public Documents of the Province of Nova Scotia- T. B. Akins, p.479
(72) Orderly Book of Sergeant Josiah Perry- 9 Sept. 1760, MSS at American Antiquarian Soc.
(73) Journal of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts- 1761-1762, XXXVIII, part 2, p.286
(74) The Massachusetts Civil List for the Colonial and Provincial Periods, 1630-1774- p.135
(75) Lincoln Co. Registry of Deeds- Vol.II, pp.133-4
(76) Ibid- Vol.VI, pp.147-9
(77) MA- CXVIII, pp.87-8
(78) Fryeburg, An Historical Sketch- John S. Barrows, pp.71-3; Oxford Co. Registry of Deeds- Vol.I, p.11
(79) Andover TR, Andover Library, frame 5205
(80) Ride to Piggwacket- Rev. Paul Coffin, MHS Coll., Vol.IV, pp.284-6
(81) Essex Co. Registry of Deeds- CXXX, p.230
(82) letter from Joseph Frye to Simon Frye, 26 Apr. 1770, Fryeburg Hist. Soc.
(83) The Poets of Maine- George B. Griffith, p.2
(84) The Massachusetts Civil List- Whitmore, p.148
(85) Journal of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts- 1770-1771, XLVII, pp.102,123
(86) Ibid-1771-1772, XLVIII, p.12
(87) MA- CLXXXI, p.53
(88) Ibid
(89) Ibid
(90) Warren Adams Letters- Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., LXXII, p.90
(91) Etting Coll., Hist. Soc. of Penn., Vol.III, p.33
(92) Jedidiah Preble Diary- 5 Aug. 1775, MSS at NEHGS
(93) The Writings of George Washington- John C. Fitzpatrick, Vol.III, p.461
(94) letter from Ward to Adams, 30 Oct. 1775, Proc. of Mass. Hist. Soc., XLIII, p.95
(95) Letters of Members of the Continental Congress- Edmund C. Burnett, Vol.I, p.255
(96) Journal of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts- 1775-1776, LI, part 1, p.233
(97) Naval Documents of the American Revolution- William B. Clark, Vol.II, pp.1139-42
(98) letter from Frye to Freeman, 6 Jan. 1776, Willis Coll., MHS
(99) Armstrong to his wife, 6 Feb. 1776, Dreer Coll., Hist. Soc. of Penn.
(100) Ward to Hancock, 3 Feb. 1776, Papers of the Continental Congress, National Archives
(101) The Writings of George Washington- John C. Fitzpatrick, Vol.IV, p.334
(102) Ibid-p.362
(103) Life and Correspondence of Joseph Reed- William B. Reed, Vol.I, p.170
(104) Ibid- p.173
(105) Frye to Washington, 18 Mar. 1776, Papers of the Continental Congress, National Archives
(106) Life and Correspondence of Joseph Reed- William B. Reed, Vol.I, p.179
(107) American Archives, fourth series, Vol.V, p.1048
(108) The Writings of George Washington- John C. Fitzpatrick, Vol.V, p.3
(109) The Life of Artemas Ward- Charles Martyn, p.217
(110) Journal of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts- 1775-1776, LI, part 3, pp.171-2
(111) Fryeburg, An Historical Sketch- John S. Barrows, pp.102-3
(112) Frye to Noyes, 28 Sept. 1778, Dept. of Rare Books and MSS, Boston Pub. Lib.
(113) Fryeburg TR- 18 Aug. 1779, p.45
(114) Documentary History of the State of Maine- XVII, pp.368-9
(115) MSS at MHS
(116) Frye to Parker, 9 June 1783, copy at MHS
(117) Acts and Resolves of FMassachusetts, 1782-1783, pp.510-1,882-3
(118) Maine Becomes a State, Ronald F. Banks, pp.209-11
(119) York Deeds- Vol.53, p.184
(120) Fryeburg TR- 8 Jan. 1787, pp.193-9
(121) Ibid
(122) Acts and Resolves of FMassachusetts, 1782-1783, pp.510-1
(123) York Deeds- Vol.53, p.185
(124) York Co. Probate- No. 6386
(125) The Eastern Herald- 2 Aug. 1794
(125) Silvio A. Bedini, Early American Scientific Instruments and Their Makers (Washington, D.C., 1964), pp. 85-92. See listing for the NMAH at:
(126) Article of Submission- William King Papers- Coll. 165, Box 1/1- MHS
(127) Joseph Frye's Land Deed for Fryeburg- 1763- Fryeburg Historical Society
(128) Joseph Frye Letter to Gov. Shirley- John Samuel Hill Fogg Autograph Collection- MHS

Frye Genealogy- Ellen Frye Barker, NY, 1920- pp.55-6
Major General Joseph Frye of Maine- The Life and Times of a Colonial Officer- Kenneth E. Thompson Jr., Univ. of S. Maine, Aug. 1981

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b. 5 Aug. 1751 Andover, MA
m. 5 May 1788 (int. 20 Apr.) SARAH GORDON (b. 8 Aug. 1756 Andover, d. 17 Apr. 1853 Fryeburg)
d. 2 Feb. 1836 Fryeburg
bur. Toll Bridge Cemetery

Richard was supposedly in the Revolutionary War in Major's Co. as there are family papers to prove his service.

Richard sold 10 acres of land 12 May 1823 to John Webster of Fryeburg for $30.00 on the road from Robert Page's to John H. Frye's land next to Benjamin Fiffield, Jeremiah Hutchins and Joseph Fessenden. The deed was witnessed by Richard Fyre Jr. and J. H. Eastman.(1)

Richard Frye and Richard Frye Jr. of Fryeburg sold to Justus Charles of Fryeburg for $50.00 7 Nov. 1830: "land layed to the original right of Joseph Frye, Esq. and assigned to the rights of Richard Frye being Sixth division lots lying on the easterly Side of the old Bean Pond Now the new River in said Fryeburg near what is called the Center of the Town... No. 16 & 15."(2)

Issue- see Fryeburg V.R.

·  6I. JOSEPH- b. 10 Mar. 1791, m. 23 Mar. 1817 Fryeburg, EUNICE FARRINGTON KNIGHT (b. 15 Apr. 1796, d. 20 Jan. 1874), d. 9 Feb. 1867

·  II. Richard- b. 5 Sept. 1793, m. Hannah ______ (b. Aug. 1800, d. 24 Jan. 1874), d. 10 Aug. 1876 Fryeburg, bur. Toll Bridge Cemetery

·  III. William- b. 12 May 1796, m. 28 Sept. 1828 Lois Twichell. William was a lawyer and State Senator for several years.(3)


(1) Oxford Co. Deeds, Fryeburg- Vol.14, p.496
(2) Ibid- Vol.15, p.642
(3) Frye Genealogy- Ellen Frye Barker, NY, 1920- pp.87


b. 10 Mar. 1791 Fryeburg?
m. 23 Mar. 1817 Fryeburg, EUNICE FARRINGTON KNIGHT (b. 15 Apr 1796, d. 20 Jan 1874, bur. Toll Bridge Cemetery, Fryeburg)
d. 9 Feb. 1867 Fryeburg, ME
bur. Toll Bridge Cemetery, Fryeburg

On 6 Apr. 1812 Richard Frye and Samuel Frye of Fryeburg sold to Joseph Frye for $400.00 the intervale land consisting of 18 1/2 acres next to William Russell, Esq. and Ebenezer Fessenden Jr., Esq. The deed was witnessed by William Russell and William Frye.(1) Joseph then sold this land 16 Aug. 1816 to Nathaniel and Luther Dana, traders of Fryeburg for $200.00.(2)

On 2 June 1822 Joseph and Eunice Frye of Fryeburg sold to Stephen Farington of Fryeburg, Esq. for $50.00: "land set out to Eunice as her right to a legacy bequeathed to her in the last will and testament of her late grand father Stephen Farington of Fryeburg." The deed was witnessed by Richard Frye Jr. and Joseph Colly.(3)

Joseph and Eunice were listed in the 1850 census with their children Stephen, Ann, Hannah, Joseph, Richard and William H.H. They were living next to his brother Richard and his family and their mother Sarah, age 93, was living with Richard and Hannah.(5)

Joseph purchased lots in the grave yard on the Saco River below the old Toll Bridge 3 Mar. 1852 from James Hobbs Jr. of Fryeburg for $5.00 along with Vere R. Farington, Joseph W. Barker, James Hobbs, James W. R. Farington, Southwell Farington, Charles Pray Jr., James Walker 3rd, Richard Barker, Daniel Hall, Richard Frye, Henry Gordon, P.F. Barker, Hosea Eastman, David Eastman, L.C. Hobbs, S.F. Hobbs, William W. Hobbs, and William Gordon.(4)

Joseph and Eunice were listed in the 1860 census for Fryeburg living next door to their son Stephen and his family and his son William H.H.(6)


·  I. Sarah- b. 19 Apr. 1819

·  II. Apphia- b. 5 Oct. 1821

·  III. Stephen F.- b. 24 Feb. 1824, m. 4 Jan. 1857 Pamela A. Wildes (d. 28 Nov. 1864, bur. Toll Bridge Cemetery, Fryeburg), d. 6 Apr. 1867, bur. Toll Bridge Cemetery, inv. Sept. 1868

·  IV. Ann- b. 28 Mar. 1826

·  7V. HANNAH- b. 28 Apr. 1829, m. 25 Nov. 1852 LOREN WILDES, d. 28 Apr. or 31 July 1895?

·  VI. Joseph- b. 28 Jan. 1832, m. Elizabeth ______, d. 28 July 1910, bur. Toll Bridge Cemetery, Fryeburg

·  VII. Richard- b. 27 Mar. 1834

·  VIII. Judith Lois- b. 26 Jan. 1837, d. 5 Sept. 1840

·  IX. William Henry Harrison- b. 24 June 1840, m. Georgia _____


(1) Oxford Co. Deeds, Fryeburg- Vol.6, p.553
(2) Ibid- p.552
(3) Ibid- Vol.10, p.397
(4) Ibid- Vol.33, p.259
(5) 1850 census for Fryeburg, Oxford Co.- p. 213
(6) 1860 census for Fryeburg- p.105

The Wildes Genealogy- N.P. Apr. 1984, p.24
Fryeburg V.R.
1850 Census for Fryeburg- p.213, house 91
M.I.- Toll Bridge Cemetery, Hemlock Bridge Rd., Fryeburg
Frye Genealogy- Ellen Frye Barker, NY, 1920- pp.66,86

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