In creating this page I have written all my thoughts, suppositions and brainstorms concerning the identity and origins of John Edgcom of New Hartford and Simsbury CT. I have included the research of others also. Interestingly, we know a lot about John Edgcom from about the time of his first appearance at Hartford in 1729 until his death in 1772, a span of over forty years. However, the year and location of his birth are still a mystery despite the best efforts of many researchers to discover those facts. Edgecomb is not a common name. It belongs to one family descending from one ancestor. However the circumstances of immigration to a new continent , or immigration from one place in colonial New England to another may be making the task more difficult. On the other hand we may have the answer in front of us. There is a candidate from the colony of CT whose life may be just far enough out of the ordinary that the events of his life obscure his true identity.

The purpose of this web page is to put in order all the facts, suppositions, conjectures and brainstorms concerning the identity of John Edgcom of New Hartford that will be a basis for further research. When I wrote my original article in 1986 I combined information on the family of about five generations of Edgecombs who migrated from CT through NY to OH and ultimately to KS. I did not go into great detail about John Edgecomb e.g.listing all the land records for Simsbury and NH. Nor do I do so here. CT has a wonderful archive of church, vital, and land records that are easy to access through other indexes and search aids. You may also find the fruits of Alan Taylor's research by choosing the URL's at the top of the page. Also, I will be more than willing to supply the details of records and their citations if you write to the email address at the top of the page. I have not done the careful citation for this page that I would do for a formal published paper because the purpose of this page is not careful documentation but information and thoughts as a basis for further research. I here give credit to the Edgcom researchers with whom I have worked through the years -- Jane Taylor, Maurice Click, Alan Taylor, Steve Baskauf, Bill Simons, and Jean Vore. Much of their work and thought is here. I have not separated the strands and cited them separately, but it is here. I seek comments, additional research, thoughts--anything that would help us positively identify John Edgcom of New Hartford. If in putting my thoughts together, I have discounted something that you believe should not be discounted, please say so. As thoughts, research comments come in, I will add them here with the source.

In attempting to identify John Edgcom dates of events in his life become very important. For instance, a significant objection to his being born in 1700 is that he has a military record for the French and Indian war from 1756 to 1758 which would make him 56 to 58 years of age if he were born in 1700. In viewing his military service it would be more reasonable to expect that he had been born some time around 1708 to 1712. On the other hand a John Edgcom "owned the covenant" at the West Hartford Church on May 19, 1729. If John had been born in 1700 he would have been 29 when he owned the covenant, which from the information I can gather about churches in Connecticut a more likely scenario than if he had been born 1708-1712 which would have made him between 17 and 21 in owning the covenant. Another issue is the spelling of Edgcom. This is not in any sense, a usual spelling of Edgecomb(e). One suggestion for the discrepancy is dates is that we have two John Edgcoms, father and son. I have serious doubts about this, but let us take these questions and issues one at a time--by date.

The following timeline is what we know of dates of one or more John Edgecombs who fit into the time parameters of Lt. John's life.

1700 -- John Edgecomb, oldest son of John Edgecomb and Hannah Hempstead Edgecomb is born. His birth date is supported by the Barbour records for New London. Webpage for Edgecombs of New London

If the John Edgecomb who was born in New London in 1700 is to be identified as Lt. John Edgecomb in 1772 there is a severe difficulty in evidence to be overcome:

John had apparently been away from home with his brother Nicholas for some years before his father wrote his will in 1727 when this John was 27 years old and his brother Nicholas was 25. The wording of the will in regard to John's bequest is "I give to my son John if ever he should return home five pounds current money to be paid to him by my son Jesse." John was the oldest son and therefore would have expected to inherit the house and lands that were bequeathed to his younger brother Nicholas instead. This in itself is strange. Why should John receive 5 pounds (a fairly substantial amount for the time) when Nicholas recieved a plot of land? Had John Sr. given John Jr a sum of money for a share of cargo on a shipping enterprise or for some other reason?

Bushman in his book From Puritan to Yankee:Character and Social Order in Connecticut 1690-1765 discusses the development of shipping trade in New London around 1733. Ffty-eight men petitioned the colonial legislature for a charter for a company called the New London Society for Trade and Business the stated aim of which was to start an independent trade with Europe which would bypass the necessity of shipping cargo through New York and Boston.. [p. 124-25] Before the 1730's--from about 1717 on--the trade with the British and French West Indies increased significantly. [p. 114] Samuel, the brother of John, (d. 1731 ) and the uncle of John and Nicholas was a shipwright and was also childless. He left his estate to the children of his brother John [although that did not include John and Nicholas]. Did he possibly assist John and Nicholas in setting up a trading trip to the West Indies? According to Converse [p. 11 ]John who died in 1721 and his son Samuel were both in touch with the Edgecumbe family in regard to the land controversy in Maine of which Lord Richard Edgecombe was a principal. Lord George Edgecumbe was a vice-Admiral and was at the fall of Louisburg in the French and Indian War in 1758. It is not impossible that John and Nicholas went to England on a shipping enterprise and to meet with members of the Edgecombe family.

On the other hand there is no evidence acknowledging John's reappearance in Connecticut with the exception of some cryptic references in Hempstead's diary which will be dealt with at the appropriate place in this timeline.

There is also the statement in 1736 made by Jesse under oath in the Probate Court of New London that he is the "son and only son" of John Edgecomb of New London, deceased. That will be discussed at the appropriate place in the timeline.

There is one point which is strongly in favor of John born 1700 being identified with Lt. John d 1772 and that is that there is a record of a birth of a John Edgecombe in Connecticut at about the appropriate time period and that investigation by Alan Taylor into the Edgecombs of Plymouth and the British West Indies and by me into the Edgecombs of Massachusetts have not turned up any other candidates. The likelihood of an immigrant to Connecticut will be taken up in the next section.

1708 -- 1720 Hypothetical range of dates for the birth of Lt. John Edgcom.

This range of dates for the birth of John Edgcom of New Hartford has been suggested because a date of birth later than 1700 will square better with John Edgcom's age in the French and Indian War. That issue will be taken up more fully below; suffice to say at this point that if we accept the John Edgecomb (b. 1700) of New London as the Lt. John of the French and Indian War, Lt. John would have been 56-58 years old during his term of service and that would have been very old for a soldier. Thus the objection to a date of birth of 1700 for Lt. John.

If John Edgcom of New London is not accepted as the John Edgcomb of New Hartford and Simsbury then he must be an immigrant from outside of Connecticut. The New London Edgecomb family is transparent in the records for that time and all possible candidates from that family have been eliminated. There is absolutely no record or indication of any kind that there were any other Edgecombs in Connecticut other than the New London or New Hartford families. When John Edgcom purchased his land in New Hartford in 1735 the deed describes him as being of Hartford. There are no recorded Edgecombs in Hartford at any time other than this John--no existing Edgecomb family in Hartford from which he could descend. If John Edgcomb was not born in Connecticut, the first and most obvious question is where was he born and from where did he emigrate to Connecticut? There are three reasonable answers and one a little farther afield, though all have objections which could be made to a particular place of origin.

Massachusetts is the most likely place of origin for an immigrant to Connecticut. Bushman says: "Eastern Connecticut was settled doubly fast [in the time period of the early to mid-1700's] because of immigration from Massachusetts." People who were born and reared in Massachusetts were familiar with the religious climate of Connecticut because the same conditions prevailed there. I did as thorough a search for a possible emigrant from Massachusetts to Connecticut as the published sources provided and did not find a possibility, but perhaps a more thorough search of the records town by town would turn up a family of children of the appropriate age to have a child who could have emigrated to Connecticut and who could be identified as John of New Hartford. I shall try to get in touch with Edgecomb researchers for that time period in Maine and Massachusetts and see if they have any suggestions. [ 11/02/01] I have been in touch with Dana Edgecomb, researcher MA Edgecombes. She does not believe that as far as the research has gone on the MA Edgecombes, there is any reason to think that a John Edgecomb of the time period of the 1700's could have been an immigrant of New London. She gave me information on a John Edgecombe of Piscataqua in about 1640--he was of Plymouth Eng and died without issued. Alan Taylor has also reported his presence in New England

He was the fourth son. John was named in his father's will. He died without issue. John's will was dated February 5, 1643/4 and proved February 13, 1645/6, P.C.C. (Twisse 12) (E of E, p. 56). His will was nuncupative. John's mother Anne was administratrix. He bequeathed his debts and adventuresabroad to his brother Peter Edgecombe. It is probable that this is the John of Piscataqua in 1640 (Converse, p. 757). John lived in Plymouth.

Dana Edgecomb, Massachusetts Edgecombe researcher and Alan Taylor have also identified the John Edgecomb of Marblehead MA as possibly the John Edgecombe who was a juryman in Providence in 1677. His son John Edgecomb was in Marblehead MA in 1742, therefore he cannot be a MA immigrant to Hartford CT.

Another possible source of immigration to Connecticut is from the British West Indies. However, Alan Taylor researched that possibility and did not find a candidate for emigration from that location. From what I understand about immigration to the New England colonies there would almost certainly have been a connection between the immigrant John Edgcomb and the family already resident in Connecticut, once again because of the strict religious climate in New England. Immigrants who were not of the Puritan persuasion or who did not have other strong connections in the New England colonies did not usually choose to immigrate to New England when they could just as easily immigrate to one of the southern colonies such as South Carolina which was offering land to immigrants of good character after 1679. I don't think that emigration from the West Indies has been completely ruled out. I'm not sure that Alan's research was "exhaustive" in the sense of combing all the archives, but it was exhaustive as far as the published sources provided.

A third possibility is for immigration from England, most especially Plymouth, and here we have a resident expert in Alan Taylor who has not found a family in that time period which has a candidate for immigration to Connecticut. Plymouth, because of its Puritan and Parliamentary sympathies was an environment to produce a young man who would be willing to immigrate to Connecticut and find opportunity to prosper there, particularly if there were a family connection. However, whatever the origin of Lt. John, he does not appear to have allied himself in any way with the existing Edgecomb family of New London. His closest association seems to be with the Brace family, which actually predates the Edgecomb family in their arrival in New England.

The only other record of early Edgecomb immigration that I have been able to find is that of John Edgcom of Virginia who appears to have used the same spelling of Edgcom as John of New Hartford. However, this John Edgcom arrived in Virginia in 1653 and thus it would have to have been a great grandson or a great great grandson who immigrated to Connecticut. Since I have seen no records of any issue of this Virginia Edgecomb, I think the possibility of emigration from Virginia to Connecticut may be discounted.

1727 -- John Edgecomb of New London, father of John Edgecomb writes a will with the wording "I give to my son John if ever he should return home five pounds current money to be paid to him by my son Jesse." Webpage for Edgecombs of New London

The discussion of a missing John Edgecomb from the New London family was taken up above.

1729 -- John Edgcom owns the covenant at the West Hartford Church. Supported by church records.Web Page for John Edgcom of New Hartford

Here is one date that I think has been unfortunately overlooked in the discussion about the origins and date of birth of John Edgecomb--his owning the covenant in the West Hartford Church. As best I can understand this ritual as it applies to Congregationalism in New England, it was a renewal of the vows by an adult which had been made for him/her as an infant at the time of baptism into the church. In one way owning the covenant was a matter of bringing adult members who felt that they could not or would not participate in the full religious life of the congregation into the covenant of congregational life; in another way it was a matter of the right of baptism for their children. Children of believers who were in full communion with a congregation could unquestionably receive the rite of baptism. However, whether children of those who had been baptized into the church but failed to be received into full communion with a congregation could receive the rite of baptism was in question. Finally, a practical option was offered. Those adults who had been baptized and "owned the covenant" would be admitted to the Lord's Supper--at least in some congregations--and their children were eligible for baptism.

From Lucas Valley of Discord; Church and Society Along the Connecticut River a description is given of the split of First Church in Hartford to form the Second Church which the Braces attended and had their children baptized.

" In Hartford the warring factions parted company in 1670, when the Congregationalists, mostly moderates, withdrew and formed Hartford Second Church. In a rare display of public candor the new church created a covenant explaining many of its differences with First Church. Its grievances lay in First Church's departure from the "congregational way" as it was"formerly settled, professed and practised, under the guidance of the first leaders of this church of Hartford." That practice, the covenant continued, embodied complete local autonomy, purity of membership, and the power of the fraternity. It also included the half-way covenant.

Perhaps the following paragraph from Lucas [p. 140] gives a picture of the congregational practice at the time that John Edgcom was "owning the covenant."

"A picture begins to emerge of the priorities of Connecticut and Connecticut Valley churches as they pursued their "reformation" in the late seventeenth century. First, the statements found in church covenants and the subsequent actions of the brethren suggest that the education of youth received the greatest attention. Second, the covenant lists reveal that men, and especially husbands, received special attention to halt the trend toward a predominantly female "fraternity". How early that trend developed is not known, for most membership lists do not predate 1670, but churches considered it potentially dangerous--especially women were evidently denied voting privileges--and the remedy applied was half-way status. Third, the churches tried to assimilate strangers in the community. True, they treated strangers very carefully, even if they carried impeccable credentials from other churches. But newcomers could not be ignored. As sources of potential discord, they were urged to become half-way members and live by the principles of the church. Only after they proved their reliability, however, were they admitted to the inner sanctum of the fellowship." In New London [p.130} "Children of the church, however, did very little to gain admission. If. upon reaching their maturity, they were found to be blameless in conduct and knowlegable of Christian principles, they were admitted automatically.

It may be interesting to trace the church membership of the Brace family since John Edgcom purchased land with a Henry Brace Jr and very likely married Phoebe Brace.

There is no record of church membership for Stephen Brace. He originally settled in Swanzey MA in the early 1660's but was settled in Hartford CT by some time in the late 1660's. His wife, though probably significantly younger than he was not received into full communion in Hartford First Church until 1695, three years after his death in 1692. Whether they married in Swanzey or Hartford is not recorded, though on one of my published records I have a record of birth of Phebe, their daughter, in 1678 which makes it most likely that they were married in Hartford. Elizabeth, his wife, received full communion on June 23, 1695 and his sons, Stephen, John, and Henry were baptized and owned the covenant that same day. Ann, and probably Phebe were baptized on that day in 1695; Ann is recorded as receiving full communion in the W Hartford Church in Sept. 1725. There is a record of Phebe Brace joining the church (receiving full communion) on the same day as John Edgcom. Whether this is the older Phebe, daughter of Stephen and Elizabeth, or Phebe daughter of Henry and Ann (Collyer) Brace cannot now be determined. It might have been the older Phebe before her marriage to John Platt. Phebe, daughter of Henry and Ann would only have been nineteen years old and whether she might have been one of those children of church members who "upon reaching their maturity, they were found to be blameless in conduct and knowlegeable of Christian principles, they were admitted automatically" is not possible to prove.

The only church record for John Edgcom of New Hartford is the West Hartford church record in 1729 that he owned the covenant in May of that year. That presupposes that at some earlier date he had been baptized since there is not a record of his baptism on that date. I do not understand enough of Congregational church belief and polity to know if infant baptism in the Anglican church was recognized by the Congregational communions, but I think the bottom line is that for John Edgcom to be able to own the covenant he had to have received the sacrament of baptism at some earlier time. Whether this could have happened in a Massachusetts congregation or in an English congregation or a Connecticut congregation is open for discussion and whether it happened in a Congregational congregation or in an Anglican congregation (the two most likely communions) is also open for discussion, but the fact remains, he must have presented proof of baptism from what I read of Congregational belief and practice at that time.

John Edgecomb of New London had been baptized. An immigrant from Massachusetts would not have had too much difficulty in presenting acceptable proof of baptism. But what immigrant from England, unless he were from a Puritan congregation there, what immigrant from the West Indies or what immigrant from Virginia would want to go through the "rigamarole" of presenting himself for some congregational examination of his motives in order to profess the covenant in front of the congregation? Especially when he could have allied himself with an Anglican congregation if he felt impelled after world travel to become an active church member? And what Congregational congregation is going to take an unknown young immigrant from a distant place without some strong proof of baptism and of sincerity? If John Edgcom had been born in 1708 he would have been 21 for this event--young but not too young. If his date of birth had been 1712 he would have been 17 which is young for an independent young immigrant and young, I think for a young man, not previously a member of the congregation to own the covenant. A 1720 birth date would make him 9 years old in 1729, not too young for First Communions today, but far too young to make the intellectual and spiritual decisions required in owning the covenant. John Edgcom's act of owning the covenant lends strong support to a contention for a birth place of somewhere in New England and some date no later than 1708. Young couples (according to private correspondence with a New England genealogist) would own the covenant to assure the right of baptism for their children in somewhat the same way that parents of today drop their children off at the Sunday School door because "it can't hurt them and might do them some good". So it may have been that John Edgcom owned the covenant to please the Braces, and perhaps Phebe especially.

Whatever their status, whether Phebe was in full communion with the church, and John a half-way covenantor or whether both of them were half-way covenantors, these are the last church records which refer specifically to John and Phebe until Phebe, as a widow after 1772 was assigned "to Pettibone's district". The baptisms of their children are recorded so they were evidently scrupulous about at least fulfilling that obligation. What this says about about their own belief or manner of life would be merely speculative.

1731/ 32 (March) -- John Edgecomb of New London dies. Entry in Hempstead diary.Webpage for Edgecombs of New London

See the discussion above for son John's treatment in his father's will.

1731/32 (October) -- An entry in Hempstead's diary records an arbitration between Jno Cheapel and J: Edgecumb. Webpage for Edgecombs of New London

John Cheapel was the husband of the oldest daughter of the elder John Edgecomb and executor of the elder John's will in which the son John receives 5 pounds. There is no other recorded person who has an interest in the will with the initial J and the surname Edgecumb who would be party to the arbitration. Jesse Edgecomb was ten or eleven at the time so John Cheapel as executor would have paid the 5 pounds to John as Jesse's agent. Though "J Edgecumb" is not specifically identified as the son of the elder John, who else could it be? Who else as "J Edgecumb" would be involved in an "arbitration" with John Cheapel? For me this is strong evidence that John Edgecomb, son of John the elder is alive and in New London and possibly unhappy about the provision of the will. When he arrived in New London and from where he came at this time is certainly a mystery. Did he simply come down from Hartford on news of his father's death? Had he quarreled with his father at some point so that he left home either to travel to England or to the West Indies or simply to Hartford, and did not return to the New London household of his father until after his death? Nicholas is never mentioned in any place other than the elder John's will. For me this makes the case that the two young men had been involved with sea travel and that Nicholas had either stayed wherever their travel took them or he had died on the voyage. That part is pure speculation.

The statement --" I leave to my son John if ever he should return home......" does not say that the elder John does not know where John is, he merely implies that he is not at home and that to receive the legacy he will have to return home.

1733/34 (January) -- A division of property for John Edgecumb's children. Son John not specifically mentioned. Hempstead's diary. Webpage for Edgecombs of New London

1733/34 (February) -- Laid out a lot for Jesse Edgecomb in the "wood Commons". [Jesse was 11 or 12 years old.] Hempstead's diary. Webpage for Edgecombs of New London

This must refer to the lands held in common by the town proprietors, land not owned outright by the proprietors and/or inhabitants of the town. This would be Jesse's right as the legal heir of his father's proprietary status and heir of his land holdings.

1733/34 (December) -- Joshua Hempstead records in his diary that he laid out corn for Jno Edgecumbe, [his] son Robert & brother. Webpage for Edgecombs of New London

Part of the question here is what is "laying out corn"? Somehow I think it has to refer either to the common land of the proprietors or to the produce of the common land. John, as the son of a proprietor would normally expect to have a share in that land and its produce. Was the right to a share of the produce the result of the "arbitration" between John Cheapel and John with Joshua Hempstead as the arbitrator? Again the allusion is incomplete for it does not specifically identify Jno Edgecomb as the elder John's son. Yet what John who is connected so intimately with the town of New London that he would be getting a share of corn--other than John Edgecomb, son of John who died in 1731?

1735 -- John Edgecomb is granted a lot by the proprietors of New Hartford. New Hartford established 1734. New Hartford records. Web Page for John Edgcom of New Hartford

New Hartford was established as a result of a dispute between the towns of Hartford and Windsor over ownership of lands outside the town. After the dispute went to the General Assembly, the towns received the most desirable eastern lands and the colony received the western lands. New Hartford, Winchester, Hartland, and part of Harwinton were included in Hartford's share. New Hartford must have been one of the most desirable areas for its lands were valued at 15 shillings an acre, while other lands in the area were valued at 10 shillings and 7 shillings and sixpence. Any proprietor on the proprietor's list for Hartford in 1720 or his heirs, was proprietor of a share of land in one of the townships in proportion to his holdings in Hartford. There were 182 proprietors for New Hartford. Presumably they could sell the land held by the proprietors to suitable inhabitants. According to Bushman in From Puritan to Yankee though the control exerted by the proprietors over new inhabitants to the town was far less restrictive than in the years before 1700, still the proprietors generally sold only to men of probity and soundness. This is born out by the statement in the book about New Hartford New Hartford. Its People and Places in the Past and Present: "The pioneers of the town, were with very few exceptions were either proprietors or sons of proprietors, members of respectable and well-to-do families of Hartford, hence the peculiar propriety of the name New Hartford. The first settlers as certainly as can be ascertained were heads of families..." The name of John Edgecomb is listed as spelled here as one of the pioneers.

From the above description John Edgcom was probably married or about to be married by then. Though he might have been one of the "few exceptions" of the town pioneers who was not a proprietor or son of a proprietor of Hartford he was surely a man of sound reputation and some means. This brings up the question of John's marriage. Whether or not John was married in 1735 at the time he purchased the land in New Hartford, the requirement for purchase was the the new owner must "in two years next ensuing their agreement with the committee to build a tenetable house of sixteen feet square on said land, and break up two or three acres of said land, and in one year more after said two years have expired, personally inhabit by themselves or family on said land and to _____ to continue inhabiting said land for the space of three years longer, after the first three years are expired." It seems apparent from this quote of the conditions of the proprietors that they were explicitly prohibiting the purchase of this land for speculation, a practice, which according to Bushman developed later in the colony. [Chapt. 5 pp. 77-82 "New Plantations"] Bushman has a lengthy discussion of the changing patterns of land ownership and land acquisition after 1685-1690 when common lands passed into private ownership. There was definitely land speculation -- and John Edgcom appears to have participated in that, at least in his Barkhamstead deed of purchase with Henry Brace Jr in 1738. But this was three years after he presumably began to work and settle his land in New Hartford. There is a pattern of purchase and sale of land in New Hartford, and later in Simsbury, which could lead one to the conclusion that he was involving himself in the land speculation that existed in the inflationary times after 1740. [Bushman]

Another question is the source of the money that he had available to purchase land in New Hartford. If he was a young immigrant in 1729 or an older son of the New England family, he had to have the means to purchase the land. There is a six year gap from the time of the church record to the time of the first record of land purchase in New Hartford. Did John Edgcom pursue a trade or craft that has gone unrecorded? Did he work as an indentured servant? Did he work for someone in trade or manufacturing? If he is the John Edgecomb of New London he might have income from a shipping venture or family money. If he was an immigrant of 21 (born in 1708) and from Massachusetts it makes sense that he could work and save the money. (Perhaps he found employment with Henry Brace Sr who was a carpenter.) If he were 21 at the time of immigration from England did he come with money from his family, or a trade or craft to pursue? For me 21 is on the edge of being too young to be an immigrant without family and no financial means, but there may be those who can supply evidence of others in just exactly that situation. If he had been born in 1712 he would have been 17 in 1729 and an appearance in New London without family or resources is open to many questions. Is there a connection with the Brace family in England?

Checking the Brace family forum on Genforum, Stephen Brace was born in London in 1644. The evidence is not there for a Brace/Edgecomb connection that would bring an Edgecomb family member from England to Hartford in the 1700's to make a connection with the Brace family in Hartford. An Edgecombe family member would be much more likely to connect with the Edgecomb family in New London than with the Brace family in New Hartford.

But if he was an English immigrant why not connect with the New London family or the Norwich family? Would we expect an immigrant from Massachusetts to connect with the New London family? We know there was communication between England Edgecombs and New London Edgecombs. Was there communication between Massachusetts and New London Edgecombs?

From *any* available evidence there just does not seem to be an Edgecomb who was a child of MA Edgecombs who could have been an immigrant to Hartford around the late 1720's. They are all accounted for. There has been enough research into Edgecombe descendents in MA to lead most researchers to the conclusion that there are no "hidden Edgecombes."

However, whatever profits the purchase and sale of land brought him, he seems to have remained a farmer and not a tradesman throughout his life--though there is an indication of the military record that he was a teamster on the side. There is no record at all that he pursued any trade or craft, such as the tanner John Edgcomb (d. 1721) or the hatter Stephen Brace or the carpenter Henry Brace, though he could be a carpenter without leaving a tangible record. However, he had a significant estate in land and implements when he died--he was by no means impoverished--so through the years he must have found the means to maintain and improve his economic condition. Once he purchased his initial land in New Hartford he stayed in the area until his death. At some point it also seems pertinent to note that his family background gave him the capability to read and write. He signed his documents rather than with a mark, and the inventory of his estate included a Bible.

This seems to be the point at which to discuss his marriage. There is no marriage record in Connecticut that a score of researchers have been able to uncover for John Edgcom (or any other spelling) in the appropriate time period (up to 1738 when his first child was born). The reason we know that John's wife was named Phebe is from the baptismal records of the children. The most likely place for the marriage to have occurred is in West Hartford where the only recorded religious event of John's life took place . Another clue is that John purchased land jointly in 1738 with Henry Brace Jr. From the church records it appears that the Brace family was a prominent in the life of the church for the fathr of Henry' Jr. and his father's two brothers had all been received into full communion in the First Church Hartford and Henry's aunt Ann had received full communion in the West Hartford Church. Whether it was Henry's aunt Phebe (his father's sister) or his sister Phebe who received full communion on the same day that John Edgcom owned the covenant is open to question. Nonetheless, John and Henry's sister Phebe were in proximity in West Hartford and Henry Brace Jr and John did enter into a joint purchase of land in Barkhamstead. [Clues to close family relationships such as marriage are to be found among the people who witness the purchase of land or witness deeds .] Phebe Brace's youngest sister was named Ami and a cousin of Phebe had a daughter named Huldah--another name which John and Phebe used for a daughter. The first son of John and Phebe was John, easy enough; the second son was named Uriah and the fourth child, a son, was named Ezra. Where these two names for the male children came from cannot be deduced from any clues that Edgecomb researchers have been able to find. They might provide a clue to some Edgecomb family somewhere to which we could trace John's origin--except that in the relatively small world of Edgecombs, Uriahs and Ezras have not been found. There are no Uriah or Ezra Edgcombs of that time in New England. Neither do those names appear to refer to anyone in the Brace family. Perhaps they are in honor of men who were important in John Edgcom's life before he appeared in Hartford. Perhaps they are an indication of religious piety since both are from the Old Testament.

Exactly when did John and Phebe marry? There is no marriage record and their first recorded child was born in 1738 but that does not necessarily mean that they were married in 1737. Phebe could have had miscarriages or children born dead, etc or the baptismal records could have been lost like the marriage record. However, the fact that John bought land in 1735 which had to be cleared and was at the time of its first availability "inhabited by wild beasts and Indians" [New Hartford: Its People and Its Places] may have dictated that he have a habitable house for a family and land that was producing crops. Another requirment might be that during the first three years of population by the owners of the land the threat from Indians and from wild beasts had been reduced. John and Phebe could have married in 1735 and lived in Hartford, but there is no record of that. So we must assume that they married around 1737. That was a nine year gap between the 1729 date of the West Hartford Church and the date of their first child. In 1737. Phoebe (if his wife were Phebe Brace) was 27 and John was 37, or 29 or 27 depending on the choice of birthdate. Obviously a later birthdate for John is more acceptable in terms of a marriage age, but this also has to be compatible with an acceptable age for his appearance in Hartford and his owning the covenant--where a somewhat earlier date of birth is more logical.

If John Edgecomb of New London is considered a candidate for Lt. John we have seen that John of New London was very likely alive and in New London from the evidence of Hempstead's diary. He was in New London at least in 1734 taking care of business related to his father's estate, though he could have left Hartford in 1731 after his father's death. The date of his purchase in New Hartford was April 1. The earliest he could have left New London is October 1734. However, having his father's estate business settled, he would have been free to purchase land and establish an engagement with Phebe while he cleared the land and built a house. Greater ages at marriage and long engagements were not unknown in those days in New England. However, everything that has been said about John of New England as the groom could also be said of an immigrant John. A younger age would fit better with the marriage, and the nine year gap can be explained by the necessity to make enough money to purchase the land, the tools, and the material to build a house.

1736 -- Jesse seeks a guardian. [He was 16] Webpage for Edgecombs of New London

Five years after his father's death in 1631/32 Jesse Edgecomb (son of John d.1731 and brother of John) petitioned the Probate Court of New London to appoint his uncle Thomas as his guardian. Up to that point presumably his mother was his guardian. The wording of the court record has been taken by some to point conclusively to the fact that John Edgecomb, son of John (d. 1731) was not alive at the time of the court petition. This opinion could be influenced by the wording of his father's will, though as I have pointed out the will does not state that John Edgecomb knows his son to be dead or even missing. Taken literally the wording of the will merely means that John has left home. The wording of the record of Jesse's petition to the court is as follows:

At a Court of Probate Held in New London, May 13th 1736: Present Joshua Hempsted Esqr Judge. Jesse Edgcombe Son {and only Son} of John Edgcombe Late of New London Decd. appeared in this Court and mad Choise of his Uncle Thomas Edgecombe of Norwich {in this?} County to be his Guardian. The sd Thomas Edgecombe Acknoledged him self Bound in a Recognizance of Two Hundred Pounds money to the Judge of the Court of probates for the District of New London and to his Successors that he will be faithfull in his Guardianship Aforesaid as the Law Directs.

The words "and only son" that are in brackets are inserted in the text of the court record and it is from this insertion that some people have concluded that John Edgecombe was dead in 1736.Their reasoning is that Jesse was under oath when he made the statement and that anyone present in the court, especially his uncle Joshua who was the Judge of Probate and his uncle Thomas who was promising to be his guardian would know that he was not telling the truth under oath. So therefore John Edgecomb must not be alive--particularly since the will of their father implied that John was in parts unknown. As a researcher you have to make a choice here.

For me the evidence is important but not conclusive. From the evidence of Hempstead's diary I conclude that John Edgecomb was not lost at sea or resident in England or the West Indies or dead of a wound or disease. I conclude that he was in New London in 1731/32 at an arbitration between John Cheapel and himself. I conclude also that he was present in New London in Dec 1734 when Joshua Edgecomb laid out corn for "Jno Edgecumbe" or he was at least alive and had an interest in the corn allotment. And I don't see any compelling reason other than Jesse's statement in court to conclude that he died between Dec. 1734 and May of 1736.

For one thing, I don't see any need for Jesse to have made the statement at all; it is gratuitous. His mother had presumably been his guardian til his court appearance. His business in court was between his uncle Thomas and himself and did not need to involve his older brother in any way. He need only declare that his father was dead and that he was his son in order to provide the reason for choosing a guardian. Emphasizing that he was the only son gains nothing. It could be a statement meant to emphasize his claim to the land that descended to him when Nicholas did not appear to make his claim. On the other hand, there is evidence of ill feeling between John Edgecomb (b. 1700) and his family. For whatever reason his father did not leave him the land and buildings to which he would be entitled. Though entailment did not exist in the New England colonies and though the law of primogeniture was different in the New England colonies than in England, still there was a very long tradition of English law and custom that would influence the thinking of a father and son on this matter--the land and buildings go to the oldest son . As I mentioned before, perhaps the portion of his inheritance had been given him before he left home some time before 1727 when his father wrote his will; perhaps there was a quarrel and he was effectively disinherited. Whatever the reason there is evidence that could lead one to believe that John was not dead, he was estranged from his family.

1738 (April) -- Deed from Nathaniel Griswold to John Edgecomb and Henry Brace in Barkhamstead. Barkhamstead town records. Web Page for John Edgcom of New Hartford

Here is the evidence for a link between John Edgcom and Henry Brace. This is probably an instance of land speculation since as far as the records show, Henry Brace Jr remained in the West Hartford area and John Edgcom stayed in the New Hartford/Simsbury area.

John Edgcom's first son was also born in 1738. He was baptized in the West Hartford Church, presumably because the citizens of New Hartford did not yet have the economic base to support a church.

1741 -- 1756 Deeds to John Edgecomb as the grantee in the town of New Hartford. Web Page for John Edgcom of New Hartford

Evidence of John's continued residence and activity in New Hartford.

1755 -- 1759 Military service in the French and Indian War . Entered as a sergeant and left service as a second lieutenant. Web Page for John Edgcom of New Hartford

This period of military service is one of the dates that researchrs have focused on in trying to determine a birth date for John Edgecomb. If John were born in 1700 then he would have been 56 at the start of his service in this war and 59 and the end of his period of his service. Had he been born in 1712 he would have been 47 and 51 and had been born in 1720 he would have been 35 and 39. The 1720 date simply is out of synch with the 1729 date of owning the covenant and so I think has to be eliminated. The 1712 date is a good one for the military service but he would have been 17 in his first recorded appearance in Hartford, and I, personally think that is still too young. So I think, for my reasoning, we have to go with a birth date of somewhere between 1708 and 1700. That makes him old to have been a soldier, but I will take evidence from Selesky's War and Society in Colonial Connecticut to show that there were soldiers serving in the French and Indian War that were in their early to mid-fifties.

This may the point to take up one other suggestion. It has been suggested that there were two Lt John Edgcoms--father and son. This suggestion proposes that the elder John became a Lieutentant in earlier service and kept the title until his death and that the young Lieutenant John was the one who served in the French and Indian War. The son John born in 1738 would have been 17 in 1755 and 21 in 1759, and according to Selesky's evidence military service for him would have been possible--though as a sergeant and 2nd Lieutenant? However, I don't see any evidence in the land records or any other kind of record for John Jr. until the deed between Uriah and John in 1794, two years after Lt. John's death. Also, there is no record of military service for a John Edgcom except for the French and Indian War service. At his death in 1772 he is referred to as Lt. John in his estate papers. I do not find this particular suggestion of two Lt. Johns supported by the evidence. I think John Sr. of New Hartford served, at whatever age in the French and Indian War and that he is the Lt. John of the estate papers in 1772. However we have to deal with John's age during his term of service, I think he is the same person.

The following is a quote from notes taken by Jane Taylor during a telephone conversation with Dr. Robert Wright, an historian with the Center for Military History at the time of the converstation on the topic of the French and Indian War, and asking for advice on how to trace information on Lt. John Edgecomb:

"I told Dr. Wright we had found the references in the roster to Lt. Edgecombe, and Dr. Wright was pleased to learn that our ancestor had made officer status as it is easier to trace the officers. He felt that John must have been born not before 1720 as serving in the French and Indian War was a young man's game due to the hardships. "There was always a problem , in every Connecticut town when a force was being assemled to get rid of the old colonels." Most of the men who signed on were "not past the age of 30". Dr. Wright feels that "you may be looking at two generations here--not one" as I had mentioned we were considering John Edgecombe born 1700. [See paragraph above.] Officers of the French and Indian Wars had to be appointed through the Legislature [Assembly], and these are arranged by the town from which they came. These can be found in volumes of Colonial Records. After the war, the Connecticut Militia was formed and the men who had served in the French and Indian Wars would be men of experience, and therefore, encouraged to join the Militia. These post 1758 records should be searched fo rhis name. "

Harold Selesky in War and Society in Colonial America gives the example of John Pitkin of Hartford who was a Lt. Colonel at age 50, and 1st Lieutenant Amos Stiles of Hebron was 54 in 1758. Concerning Stiles, Selesky says this "Other officers were economically well-to-do but had a considerable protion of their wealth tied up in land, a situation that made the prospect of earning bounties and wages an attractive inducement. " [p. 202] One of the records of service of John Edgcomb records his service as a teamster. Bushman, [p. 116] relates the experience of Solomon Mack, though a much younger man than the possible 55-58 years of John Edgcom, enlisted in the army in 1755 and was able, after a year's service, to come back to Lyme and pay 80 punds for a house and a tract of land. In 1757 he returned to the army, this time as a teamster, with his own oxen. The next year he purchased more land in Lyme......" Perhaps John Edgcomb was strapped for cash--given the land records of New Hartford it is possible that he was land poor. If he were a strong healthy man of 56-58, he could improve his cash situation by serving as a teamster.

The records of the Connecticut Historical Society (printed and published from1755 to 1759 show John Edgecomb as a member of:

1755 -- Ninth company (Fourth Regiment) -- Capt.Pettibone -- John Edgcom (Serj) from Sept 5 thru Dec. 5

1756 -- Seventh company (First Regiment) -- Capt. Baldwin -- John Edgcomb (Sick) Half Pay Roll showing enlisment on April 14

1757 -- New Hartford november the 8th 1757 we, the Subscribers being Detached in the last alarram for their Releaf at Lake george went under the Command of Capt Jonathon Pettibone of Simsbury. -- Surgant John Edgcomb

1758 -- Tenth Company (First Regiment) -- Captain Lee -- John Edgcomb (Second Lieutenant)

1759 -- Fourth Company (First Regiment) -- Capt Patterson -- John Edgcomb (Second Lieutentant)

Other records from the file of the Connecticut State Archives for the French and Indian War -- these are photocopies of handwritten original records:

1756 -- The Colony of Connecticut to Benj Hall C Avery and E_____ to have the _____(combined?) oversightof Receiving and Transporting from Tories (?) going from the Colony to Remove the French _______To what we paid the Teams Men Imployed in Carting for their -------

-- Com (?) appointed by the General Assembly -- Albany to Lake George Provisions for the ______at Crown Point. Expenses to and from Albany for Themselves & Teams.

John Edgcomb is paid 0 - 16 - 9.

On another expense sheet John Edgcomb is paid 9/ 44.2 for a 6 cattle team

On another expense sheet John Edgcombis paid 0 5 7. The reason is not stated but everyone else on the sheet is being paid for oats, corn and hay.

On May 2(?) John Edgcomb was appointed 2nd Lt of the 4th Company

This would seem to indicate that John Edgcomb's role in the French & Indian War was as a teamster and provisioner.

-- Com (?) appointed by the General Assembly -- Albany to Lake George Provisions for the ______at Crown Point. Expenses to and from Albany for Themselves & Teams.

 

 

 

 

1757 -- 1768 Deeds in the town of Simsbury. Web Page for John Edgcom of New Hartford

I have not checked to see whether John moved his residence or whether the town of Simsbury was created about this time and John's land was included in the limits of the new town. Nonetheless, these deeds are evidence of John's continued residence and activity.

1772 -- Death. No will Probate papers which gives inventory of his estate. Web Page for John Edgcom of New Hartford

John Edgcom died intestate in 1772. Exactly how old he was is, of course, unkown at this time. His son Uriah is listed as his oldest son in the estate papers, although there is evidence that Uriah and a John Edgecomb had land dealings after 1772. Did John repeat the events of his own life with his eldest son John?