Provenence: The following account attributed to Juan A. Robinson was found in the Bancroft Library of the University of California at Berkeley in microfilm form under the designation BANC MSS M-M 375. The originals were in English and presumably in the handwriting of Juan A. Robinson. The location of this document was discovered by Francisco Espriu and acquired from the Bancroft library by Sheila and Wendy Dumas. John Dumas did the transcribing to computer format on August 9,1997. Comments: The document appears to be incomplete as recorded on the microfilm. Many words were difficult to read in their original handwritten form and where such was the case, brackets and question mark [?] are used to alert the reader. Punctuation and paragraph demarcation are as close as possible to the original. Note: Since Juan Alfredo Robinson died in 1889, the date of this document must precede that date. His grave is in Oakland, California in St. Mary's Cemetery.
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Transcription follows:
I was born in the City of New York, and went to Mexico in 1821, in the ship "Jupiter", round Cape Horn. We touched at Montevideo, Buenos Aires and Rio [Jauliro ?] on the Atlantic side, and after [hoping?] round the Horn; touched at Lima, Callas, Valparaiso and Soncinatio, in Central America and then came up to Monterey, California, where we stopped a few hours. At Soncinatio we took in a cargo of sugar and tobacco. Not finding any sale for these articles at Monterey, we went south and up the Gulf of California to Guaymas, where the cargo was sold.
Their I left the vessel, and went up to the City of Alamos, about a hundred miles in the interior from the coast, and about 240 miles S.E. of Guaymas. I remained there for nine years. It was a silver mining district of considerable note at that time, and still is, an old place, containing at that time about twelve thousand inhabitants.
The mines were very rich, and were situated in the vicinity of the town, from three to six miles distant, and were mined by the Mexican residents there. The chief interest of the people there was mining. There was very little done in the way of agriculture. They raised corn and beans to supply the miners and others, and there were some gardens of oranges. There were extensive cattle ranges in the county [round?], and they got out a good deal of tallow, which was used for candles in the mines. They also used the hides in the mines for ropes and other purposes.
The only communication with other places was by means of horse and mules, pack trains; they had not even wagons at that time. The mines were worked in the most primitive manner, drilling with bars, and blasting with gunpowder, in the old Spanish style. The metal ore was brought out of the mines by a [malacate?], a kind of windlass driven by horses.
The deepest shaft at this time was about 350 feet, and there were workings below that, perhaps for a hundred feet. The principal mine was called the Providentia, and was situated at Promentorio, about six miles from the town. After they got the ore out, it was put on and esplanade, a level piece of ground, on which was a large rock, the hardest that could be obtained, on which they placed the ore, and an Indian would sit down behind the rock, and with another rock as heavy as he could raise he would beat the ore for a long time until it was reduced to about the size of beans, or perhaps wheat.
The ore was then taken to an [arrastra?], which is a round place about ten feet in diameter, covered with pieces of flat rock, the sides elevated into a kind of rim. In the center was a heavy post, and on that post was a cross piece like the tongue of a wagon, supporting two heavy stones. The one being placed on the [blow?], these stones were dragged round over it by mules attached to this rude machinery, water being thrown in upon it, until it was reduced to a fine pulp.
When it was of sufficient fineness, it was pitched into large tanks dug in the ground and left to drain, until it was about the consistency of mush. It was then put into another esplanade [flucred?] with plank on stone, in piles of about a ton each and about nine inches in height, and then a quantity of salt thrown in with it, and then two Indians to each pile would commence to trample it and mash it down with their feet, and continue this process until the salt became thoroughly mixed with the mass, occupying the day in this operation. Then quicksilver was [assembled?] all over the top, according to the richness of the ore, and then the Indians would work another day on this mass.
Then it was allowed to remain for about two days and then put into a pile and left for two or three days more, and then [spread?] out again, and then if more quicksilver was needed, it was added, and when there was enough to take up the metal, a quantity of the pulp a mush was put into a contrivance something like a rotary [chuon?], about ten feet deep, and six feet in diameter the inside [beates?] being turned by a mule.
While the working of this apparatus was going on, water was run into the tank and allowed to come within [ur?] feet of the top where there was a hole for it to run out, and while the mass was being agitated, the quicksilver being much heavier than the rest of it, took all the silver to the bottom. When it was pretty well washed, they took out another plug in the tank, a little lower down, to reduce the water, and so on till they got to the bottom. Then what remained was taken out by hand in large wooden trays, into a large trough, and washed until nothing was left but the quicksilver and the silver attached to it.
After this amalgamation, the metal was put into bags made of [briclerlan?], something like a bag to boil coffee in, and in the lower end a piece of heavy cotton cloth, and these bags were then hung up, and beaten with clubs, and the quicksilver ran out into a trough below, and the silver remained in the bags. It was then put into retorts with very heavy covers, the mouth of the retort being in water. A fire was built over it, and the remaining quicksilver escaped in fumes; but when they struck the water, they became quicksilver again. The silver was then taken out and molded into bars. In that condition it was called platassiña. About 16 percent of the quicksilver was lost in the process described.
The quicksilver then was all brought from Spain. Some of the ore was very rich, and they smelted that, but then lost a good deal of the silver. The mines were worked by the peons. I suppose the mines in that vicinity yielded perhaps a million dollars a year.
They used to take the silver to the ports on the backs of mules, the port of Guaymas then being the nearest, and ship it to London on the British men of war which came there about every three months. Bills of Lading were given for the shipments, and these bills were negotiable, and you could take them to any place where there were Englishmen and you then cashed [them], they being considered as drafts on sight, proper allowance being made for exchange, according to the prevailing rates.
There were three classes of people in Mexico, the Indians, the descendants from the old Spaniards, and a mixed class produced by the intermarriage of the Spaniards with the Indians.
In the year 1828 the Mexican congress passed a decree, expelling all the Spaniards from the country. They had ruled the country, filling all the important offices and the Mexicans became jealous of them, feared they would take the country, and revolutionized, and when they got into power, expelled them. The feeling against the Spaniards was a good deal like the feeling against the Chinese by Kearny and his followers, who cry that "The Chinese must go.",-- the cry then being "The Spaniards must go". Some of those who had mixed blood in their veins went so far as to say that if they knew which part of it was Spanish, they would open their veins and let it out.
A great many of them left under this decree of expulsion, and the country was very much impoverished by their departure. They were much the better class of the people, many of them very wealthy, and all the enterprises had been inaugurated and carried on by them; and when they left, they took their families and their relations with them. Some of them had lived there for forty or fifty years, and had [made?] very extensive connections during this time, and in some cases where a man was thus expelled, he took away as many as fifty persons with him, and the leaving of so many of the best class of the population, with their effects, was a very great drawback to the country.
A great many friends of mine had to go, and two or three of them died from trouble and anxiety occasioned by this movement. Many went to Spain from the Atlantic coast, and from the Pacific Coast many went to Valparaiso, some to Lima, some to Central America. There is an incident connected with the expulsion of these people which came under my observation which is worthy of mention.
The people from the interior of Durango, Chihuahua, and others of the northern states of Mexico, went to the port of Tampico, to get out of the country. Every man, of course, took with him everything tangible that he had in the way of gold and silver, or that was of much value and a large number of them collected at Tampico with a very large amount of wealth. The U.S. sloop of war "Hornet" was lying there, and as they came into the town, the first thing that these people did was to place on board the "Hornet" their treasure, for safe keeping.
They had a certain time allowed them to leave the country, and having deposited their valuables in a secure place, they intended to remain on shore till the last moment. An immense amount of treasure was thus accumulated on board this vessel, probably five or six millions.
The "Hornet" was a favorite ship on account of her efforts in the war with England in 1812. After that, she had been cut down, rebuilt, and made over new. Our country being friendly with Mexico, she was very properly there. She had taken in this treasure, and was waiting for these people to get on board, and go off on her.
The Bay of Tampico is very much exposed to northerly gales, which sometimes come up, and blow with great force, generally lasting three days, sometimes six or nine days. Whenever these winds come up, it is not safe for vessels to remain in the bay, and they buoy their anchors and run to sea.
While the "Hornet" was lying there; one of these northerly gales came up, and she hastily put out to sea, with the treasure on board, but without the people, and from that time till this moment, she has never been heard of. The only thing that was ever found was one bracelet, picked up several months afterward, with the name "Hornet" on it. It was supposed that, having been rebuilt, there may have been some weakness where the new portion of the vessel was joined to the old, and that having this immense weight of treasure in her, she sprang a leak in the gale and foundered, and no one was saved to tell the tale. A brother of mine, Thomas Robinson was Lieutenant on board of her.
About four years after this occurrence, another decree was issued, allowing most of these people to come back to Mexico, but probably not more than a fifth of them ever returned. Many of these people had come from the first families of Spain, were educated and refined, of the very highest class.
I was engaged in silver mining for four or five years at Alamos. I traveled about the country somewhat, and twenty-three different times from Guaymas to Matamoros, on horseback, the distance being about 1500 miles, perhaps 2000; it took 25 days to get across.
In 1832, I embarked at Matamoros for New York. I made arrangements to have goods sent to me at Guaymas, by way of Cape Horn., and established myself there in 1833 as an importing and commission merchant, and was there for 30 years. I was 15 years American Consul at that port.
When the French Revolution came that ruined me, and I got broken down, in 1864.
When I first went to Guaymas in 1821, there was only one house there, where the Custom House Officer used to go whenever a vessel came into port; and there was a small hut at the foot of the hill where a [ladrone?] lived. All the business was done at the Rancho of San Jose, about six miles in the interior, a place of about 2000 inhabitants. The Custom House Officer lived there. Now Guaymas is quite a large place.
In 1833 the town had grown up considerably, and after I settled there, I helped the town along a good deal. The first storehouse in the place belonged to me, and I had a fine residence, and built a good many houses there. Guaymas was the Port of Entry and Delivery for receiving and shipping goods; the trade was considerable; vessels brought cargoes of general merchandise from Europe, and a good many foreign goods were for sale there. At that time, bar silver was the principal article of exchange.
In the vicinity of Hermosillo the people were engaged in wheat raising and other agricultural pursuits, and produced very [inferior / superior?] grain, cultivating by irrigation altogether. Their methods were very primitive, the plowing consisting of scratching the ground with a stick, and they also used a heavy hoe. The best California seed wheat was brought from there, when they commenced planting in this state in '51 and '52. They produced very excellent flour, the mills being at first of a very primitive kind. They also raised sugar cane, tobacco, Indian corn, beans , and fruits of various kinds.
Near Hermosillo was a large cotton manufactory, built within the last 25 years, employing about a hundred looms. The Sonora Indians made blankets with hand looms, also a brown sugar called pinoche. The people of the country generally were very hospitable, would treat you well, and would leave their own beds if need be, for you to sleep in. They had large ranches, raised a great many cattle, and lived very comfortably, after their own fashion.
Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna was made Dictator in 1835 or 36, I think, was Dictator for three years, had a military government, and the country was very prosperous, and grew up like a mushroom under his direction.
About the year 1850, perhaps a little later, a company was formed in San Francisco of some 280 to 300 men under the lead of Count Rouset de Bolbon, a man of education and distinction, belonging to one of the first families of France. They were mostly French and Germans and perhaps a few Italians, and their object was to exploit certain mines on the border of Sonora, near Arizona, which had been previously worked for gold and silver by the Mexicans, and were abandoned by them.
They went down to Guaymas in a vessel, and marched up into the interior to this place. There was a French Consul at Guaymas, and they had some communication with him. They were all armed. They pretended to be under the protection of the Mexican government, but while they were in the interior, this was proven not to be the case, and the Mexican people became hostile to them.
These mines were perhaps 300 miles from Guaymas. They expected to take possession of them and work them; but when they got there they found the people would not work with them nor give them any [land?], and they started to go back to Guaymas, and reached a place called Hermosillo, about 100 miles north of that port, where they were met by the Mexican National Guard, which attempted to oppose them entrance into the city.
There were some seven or eight killed on each side, and Rouset was wounded in the leg; but his company prevailed, and got into the city, and were there four or five days. The inhabitants became very much frightened, and all of the better class who could ran away from the place.
These men under Rouset were not soldiers, having had no military experience, being only private men from the ordinary pursuits of life, but nevertheless, they were resolute, and fought well and beat the Mexican troops, who could not keep them out of the city. In a few days they left Hermosillo for Guaymas , about three leagues from the latter place. Gen. Blanco with about 800 men and six pieces of artillery, was stationed, for the purpose of intercepting Rouset and his force, when Rouset's company had got within a league of this place, he sent an embassy to treat with Gen. Blanco, under a flag of truce.
They were occupied two or three days in parleying. Rouset was in a small place called the [Tesse?], a ranch and Blanco was in the town of San Jose, Guaymas. Blanco had a regular military force, well drilled, but nevertheless, he [evaded ?] Rouset with his much inferior force; and all undrilled and inexperienced in military affairs, apparently undecided whether he could whip them or not, and the two forces did not meet.
After prolonged negotiations, it was agreed that Rouset and his company should peaceably leave the country, and Blanco sent his artillery three or four leagues into the interior, and agreed to furnish means for the transportation of Rouset force out of the country, and for this purpose he obtained a forced loan from the inhabitants of the Port of Guaymas of $10,000 of which I paid $2000 myself. They were carried back to San Francisco, and disbanded.
Shortly after this affair, Gen. Blanco was recalled to Mexico, and Gen. Jose Llana Yañes was appointed General in Chief of the Mexican Army. The Mexican Government became very fearful of the invasion of the country by fillibusteros from the United States and was anxious to make some provision against any such attempt, probably alarmed by the experience it had had with Rouset and his men. It had no confidence in its own troops, and it therefore sent up an embassy to San Francisco, to confer there with the Mexican Consul and others, for the purpose of enlisting about 600 men to serve in Mexico, for the protection of the country.
They were enlisted accordingly, being mostly French and Germans, officers were appointed, and they were taken down to Mexico, and reported to Gen. Yañes for duty, and were made a part of the Mexican Army, and regularly drilled and disciplined by the officers they had brought with them, in a very thorough manner. They were very well received in Mexico, and well kept and fed and clothed, and were quartered in good style at Guaymas, for the protection of that port against any attempt at invasion on the part of the Americans, which the Mexicans continually feared.
They lived like fighting cocks, and behaved in an orderly way. They enlivened the place a little, spending their money there. They were called the Foreign Legion. It was in the early part of 1853, I think, that this force came to Guaymas.
About four months after they arrived there, Rouset came down to Guaymas in a small pilot boat, a schooner of about 50 tons, accompanied by another man as passenger and these two, and the Captain and two or three sailors were the only persons on board. Rouset got ashore without anyone knowing that he had come; but the day after Gen. Yañes having learned of his arrival sent for him to come to his house, and had an interview with him, and questioned him very closely as to his purpose in coming to Mexico.
Rouset assured him that he had come on private business; but the General suspected him of having come for the purpose of inciting the Foreign Legion to rebellion against the Mexican Government, which in reality proved to be the case shortly afterward. Rouset had an interview with the Commander of the Foreign Legion, and arranged with him that the troops should rise against the town and capture it. Correspondence had probably passed between them before he went there.
A couple of hours after Gen. Yañes had his interview with Rouset, he took his little cane in his hand and went over to the quarters of the Foreign Legion, and ordered the officer who had command of the troops to form them in a hollow square. This was done, and the General went into the centre of the square, and addressed the soldiers saying that he had reason to believe that efforts would be made to induce them to rebel against the government and appealed to their honor to resist any such overture, saying that it was impossible, in his opinion, that Frenchman, possessed with such noble sentiments as were ascribed to them, should agree to any such infamous proposition, and that he had too much confidence in them to believe they would so disgrace themselves.
Gen. Yañes then went immediately to his own barracks, a short distance off, where he had 180 soldiers, members of the National Guard, mostly quite young men, without military experience. He had no faith in the foreign soldiers, notwithstanding his address to them, and as soon as he reached his quarters, he told the little body of troops there to be on their guard, as the Frenchmen were coming to attack them.
They had a small piece of artillery, which they dragged out into the street. Immediately the French Legion came on, and commenced the attack, firing more that a hundred balls before the Mexicans had a chance to discharge their piece, and killing all the soldiers at the cannon, eight of them. Then the fight went on vigorously. My son, a young man of 21, who was aid to Gen Yañes, with four others, dragged the small cannon into the barracks, and barricaded the door.
The Mexican Troops then went on top of the barracks, which were one story in height, and fought from that position, firing at the enemy below. The contest went on from 11 o'clock in the afternoon till sundown, when the ammunition of the Foreign Legion gave out, and a parley was held at the French Consul's house; the Municipal authorities were called together and the Foreign Legion agreed to surrender to the Mexicans if their lives would be spared. Gen. Yañes said they should be treated as prisoners of war, and judged accordingly.
They were all taken prisoners, including Rouset, who had fought with them, the only one escaping being the passenger who had come down in the schooner with Rouset, who got into a small boat and got off to the schooner. They were disarmed, and put into rooms in the barracks under guard.
This fight took place on the 13th of July, 1853. I think about 72 of the foreigners were killed, and 76 of the Mexicans. The Foreigners were buried at the Campo Santo, and the prisoners were made to dig a large trench in which they were interred.
About ten days previous to this fight, Major Richard Roman arrived at Guaymas from San Francisco, as American Consul, he succeeding me in that office. I had been absent at Mazatlan for some time, and as he passed through that place, on his way to Guaymas, I gave orders to the Consular agent whom I had appointed at Guaymas, and who had charge of the office there, to deliver the office over to him.
He had other purposes in view besides that of the Consulship. It was well understood in San Francisco that the foreign Legion in Guaymas was to make the attempt they did to capture the city, and it had been arranged between Major Roman and interested parties in San Francisco, that, as soon as the place was taken by the foreign force, he, as Consul, was to protest in the name of the United States against any foreign powers putting itself in possession of any American territory, and he [fmislety?] informed me to that effect.
It was of course presumed that the 600 foreign troops, well disciplined, would have an easy victory over the small body of Mexicans at the barracks, who were raw men, picked up here and there; and it was a very great surprise to Major Roman, when he saw that the result was so very different than what had been anticipated and predicted.
As soon as the battle was over, he sent a man up the Colorado in a boat, who was to go to Ft. Yuma, and thence to San Francisco, to carry the news of this battle, but the man was never heard of afterward.
This whole movement was in the interest of certain parties in San Francisco, whose plan was, after the defeat of the Mexicans by the foreign troops, to get possession of large bodies of land in Mexico, and speculate extensively in real estate, but the defeat of the foreigners frustrated their designs. These speculators had got Roman appointed as Consul at Guaymas to further this movement.
I arrived at Guaymas on the evening of the day the battle was fought and as I approached the town, I was surprised that no boats came out to meet me as had always been the custom, and at the unusual quiet of everything, and it was some time before I learned of the exciting events of the day.
After the surrender of the foreign troops, Rouset was put into excellent quarters, very strongly guarded, and was treated like a gentleman, and everything that he could desire under the circumstances was allowed him. A Court Martial was instituted to try him, and he had as fair a trial as a man could have, lasting several days, and he was found guilty of treason to the country and sentenced to be shot, and five or six days afterwards the sentence was carried into execution.
In the meantime the others were kept prisoners, and as opportunity offered, and vessels could be procured, they were sent off in squads of 100 or more at a time, mostly to San Francisco; some went down the coast to Valparaiso. the Commander of the troops was allowed to go with the others, though he was equally treasonable with Rouset, being under the pay of the Mexican Government, and he ought to have been Court Martialed and shot.
Things quieted down after that. On the 29th of May Gen. Yañes had issued a temporary commission to my son, Thomas Robinson, mentioned above, as Captain of a company in the Ancillary Guard, of the Mexican forces in Sonora, in consideration of his capacity and merits, as stated in the paper, which commission was to serve him until such time as a regular commission could be issued.
On the 7th of August the Mexican Government decreed a medal to commemorate the valor of the troops who defended the town in the battle of the 13th of July, and these medals were awarded to the officers who had distinguished themselves on that occasion, accompanied by diplomas authorizing them to wear them. Among these officers was Captain Thomas Robinson, and the medal he received is still in my possession. Subsequently he received a regular commission as Captain, and after that became a Colonel in the Mexican Army, and was there at the time of the French invasion. When he died, a pension was granted his children.
Rouset was a very brave man. He chose his own men to defend him at the trial. I was present at the time he was declared guilty and sentence was imposed upon him. He was engaged the whole night before his execution in writing to his family and friends and probably wrote as many as twenty letters. As the guard marched him out of the prison door on the morning of the execution, he stopped a moment and said "I have forgotten one thing", and went back into the room. On his bed was a Mexican [Serappa?], which he took up, and he asked to have a ticket [sent?] out, and for it to be sent to a niece of his in France.
This little incident showed how cool he was: He asked of Gen. Yañes the privilege of being shot in the breast, and not in the back as a traitor. There was three days correspondence about this, and finally Gen. Yañes agreed that he should be shot in front and not behind, and this was done accordingly. When he was on the spot to be shot, the Commanding officer ordered his men to advance two steps; and Rouset himself immediately advanced two steps.. He had a relic, a little medal which he esteemed very highly, which he desired to have given to his sister; but he would not have it taken off his body until he was killed. When the soldiers fired, one of the bullets struck the medal, and took a piece off the side of it. He died very bravely. He said if he had a thousand lives, he would sacrifice every one of them in the same cause. I went out of town on the day of the execution, not wanting to hear the guns fired.
There was a family in Hermosillo by the name of Anisa. The father was from Manila, and married a Mexican lady, and they had a number of daughters. They came up here to San Francisco about the year ____, and Crabb married one of the daughters, named Filomena. Sometime after, Crabb took his wife and one of her unmarried sisters, and went down to Guaymas in the year ____, and made a kind of exploring expedition, visiting the Chief places in Sonora, where the Anisa family was well known.
According to the custom of the country, whenever a respectable family or a single stranger came into a town to stop a while, the chief residents of the place would call upon them, as a matter of courtesy and friendliness. But in this instance, immediately upon reaching Guaymas, contrary to the usual method of visiting, Crabb and his wife and her sister went round and visited all the prominent families of the place some of whom were entire strangers to them.
The two ladies were very intelligent and cultivated people, and Crabb was a man of elegant address and gentlemanly appearance and manners, and they went about in a stylish way, making their calls. I and my family were quite astonished at receiving a visit from them one morning.
After they had finished at Guaymas, they went to Hermosillo, and visited in the same way there, without waiting to be called upon, and then to Ures, the Capital of Sonora, and proceeded in the same manner there. At all of these places, the conversation between them and the people whom they visited frequently turned upon the government of the Mexican people; perhaps the subject was introduced by Crabb and the ladies.
At all times there was more or less complaints on the part of the people against their rulers; some spirit of dissatisfaction and criticism, and whenever this was manifested, the Crabb party expressed their sympathy with the complainants, and improved such opportunities to foster and intensify this feeling against those in authority, magnifying the evils complained of, real or imaginary, and thus encouraging a spirit of discontent and sedition to the fullest extent within their power.
They represented in glowing colors the advantages which the government of the United States offered over that of Mexico, and the freedom and happiness of the people of that country in contrast to the inferior conditions of the people of Mexico, and presented and [reenforced?] the idea that the Government of the United states might come down and take possession of Sonora, and assume control of that country, if the people there desired it.
Some of the Mexicans, who were most dissatisfied with their rulers, replied that they would receive the Americans with open arms, and would be very happy to have them come down and take charge of the country; - though at that time they apparently had no idea of revolutionizing against the Government themselves.
While at Ures, Crabb called upon the Governor. Upon the strength of the information gathered by Crabb during his visits in Sonora, and the representations made to him, he returned to San Francisco with the two ladies. There he circulated the idea that the Mexicans as a body, were very much dissatisfied with their rulers, were restless for a change, and if a body of Americans would go down there, they would be very much welcomed, and would be joined by the Mexicans themselves in arms, and the government could be easily overthrown.
Crabb industriously promulgated this theory, and induced quite a number of persons to accept it, and it is possible that he believed it himself. He also asserted that the Governor of Sonora himself was desirous of having the Americans go down and assume control, and would receive them with open arms. This statement in regard to the Governor was unquestionably false. Crabb succeeded in raising a force of about 85 or 90 men, who were thoroughly equipped with the best arms and ammunition that could be obtained, and assuming command himself, they departed for Sonora. One of Crabb's brothers-in-law accompanied him, but before they reached Mexico, left the party, fortunately for himself.
They crossed the line, and the first place they came to was Caborca, a small town of twelve or fifteen hundred inhabitants. The people there had some intimation that Crabb and his party were approaching, and they formed an armed company and went out to oppose them, and as the two bodies approached the commander of that party and five or six others were shot down and killed by the Crabb party. As soon as this became known, the farmers from the ranches around and the men of the town flocked together with their arms and a small division of the regular troops which was there joined them, and three or four hundred armed men were thus assembled. and the force proceeded against the invaders.
At that place a great deal of grain was raised, and there were large granaries to store it in. When Crabb found he was opposed by this force, and was hard pushed, he retreated into one of these granaries with his men, while the Mexicans remained outside at a little distance.
Presently they got an Indian to set fire to the building, which he did in this manner: The roof was made of boards with sticks laid across, and covered with dried grass, a [livid?] thatch roof. The Indian put some tar on the end of an arrow, lighted it, and shot the arrow on to the roof of the building, which being very dry, caught fire, and the smoke presently drove the party out of the building.
A parley was then held, and Crabb and his men delivered up their arms, and were taken prisoners. If instead of coming quietly out, they had made a bold dash, and rushed out, they might , armed as they were, have fought their way through the Mexicans, and got back across the line, with perhaps the loss of five or six men.
That was in the afternoon, and the next morning they were drawn up and the commander of the military force gave orders to shoot them on the spot. Among the soldiers in this division of the National Guard was a man by the name of Hilario Gabalendro, who noticed in Crabb's party a boy about 18 years old, and beckoned to him, and made signs to him to get up behind him on his horse, which the boy did, and they rode away several miles. He was the only one of the party who escaped, and Crabb and all the rest of his men were shot on the spot.
Gabalendro could not stand by and witness this massacre, and so rode off with the boy, saving this one. I was U.S. Consul at Guaymas at the time, and sent for the boy, when I heard of the incident, procured baggage for him to San Francisco, and sent him home to his mother at my expense. This boy as far as I could learn, had been a stable boy in San Francisco; he was an ignorant fellow, and had no idea of what was going on, and I could make nothing out of him; he was a complete tool, apparently.
The killing of Crabb and his party was a barbarous thing; it was a real massacre. As they were filibusters and invaders, they should of course have been resisted and captured, and the case referred to the Governor of Sonora; but the commander of the little body of troops at Caborca assumed the responsibility of ordering them shot.
The impression was sought to be created at San Francisco not only that the people of Sonora would welcome Crabb and his party there, and that the Governor had requested them to come down, but it was also reported that as soon as they arrived there and were made prisoners, the Governor ordered them to be shot. This was not true, and could not have been possible, for the Governor was at such a distance that it would have required three or four days to communicate with him and get a reply, and the party was shot the next morning after they arrived; there was no telegraphic or railroad communication at that time.
It was only a very small proportion of the people of Sonora who were in sympathy with the filibusters, and would have given them any aid. The people of Mexico, though much given to revolutions; and fighting with one another, have always been very jealous of any outside interference, and were not inclined to welcome any who claimed to come to assist them in breaking up the Government.
The officer who ordered the execution of the party was a Colonel in the Mexican Army by the name of _____. It was reported that he had Crabb's head cut off and preserved in spirits. There is no doubt that he was intoxicated at the time, and his action was disapproved by his superiors. Gabalendro, who saved the boy, was a Spaniard by birth, a very active man, a kind of adventurer, and he held some subordinate place in the National Guard. Crabb's wife, for several years after his death, was employed in the San Francisco Mint. She was very nice lady, and two of her sons are living here now.
At the port of Guaymas there was a Spanish Consul, Cosmo y Chevalier, and a French consul, Jose Calvo. My business house was the largest and most important there; another strong mercantile house there, and doing a large importing business, was that of Manuel Inago and Co. There were a number of smaller business houses there.
At Hermosillo there was a good deal of trade. The house of Gabriel Ortiz was the principal one there, and still is. Gabalando Oceguerra, and Francis G. Noriega had large establishments there. All the commerce of that part of the country went through the port of Guaymas. Hermosillo is 100 miles to the north of that port, in the interior, and was a point of distribution, the people and [icaliso?] from the smaller places around the country going there to procure their supplies.
A great deal of wheat was raised in Sonora, and at Alameta and Labor there were immense grain farms. I myself sent three different ships filled with wheat to the City of San Francisco, to sell around the Bay and in the interior. That was about '52 or '53. a great deal of flour was made there, and sent to Mazatlan, Acapulco and other points on the coast; some was exported to San Francisco.
Ortiz, above mentioned, had a very large cotton factory in the vicinity of Hermosillo, containing about 90 looms, moved by water; the product was an unbleached cotton cloth, known as manta. They made a great deal of sugar, of a coarse quality, which with the cotton cloth was consumed in the country. A good deal of barley was raised, also beans to. They have a plant grown there called mescal, a species of agave or century plant, from which they manufacture a good deal of liquor called mescal. I now speak of Sonora particularly. In the interior of Mexico, they made blankets and cloth...[micro film does not contain end of statement]
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