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George Holt
Murder at Knik 1885

His Background – The Murder Itself – The Aftermath

A True and Documented Account
written by Coleen Mielke 2014
with a special thank you for their help and encouragement to:
Andrei Znamenski and James Kari

You are welcome to link back to this article, however, do not re-post
or republish it without the written permission of the author, Coleen Mielke.

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This is the story of C. G. “George” Holt, an Ohio born Quaker1 who came to Alaska in the 1870’s to seek adventure and fortune. During his (roughly) thirteen years in Alaska, Holt excelled at adventure, but never quite found his fortune and eventually was murdered at Knik Station by an Ahtna Indian customer in 18852; this is Holt's story.

Newspapers from 1875 claim that George Holt was the first white man to safely cross the Chilkoot Pass3. It was big news at the time, because this route, which dramatically shortened the travel distance into the gold rich Yukon region, was heavily guarded by the fierce Chilkat Indians. How Holt managed to avoid being killed is not known for certain, but a Sitka newspaper article, dated 1897, suggests that Holt was accompanied by an Indian guide4 named Chilkoot Jack and two of his Indian slaves. Exactly what year they crossed the Pass is also up for debate; I have found various accounts that say Holt crossed as early as 1872 and other accounts that say it was as late as 1878, but that debate is for another time.
After Holt’s historic ascent, he spent the winter, in Sitka, sharing the details of his adventure with Lieutenant W. R. Quinan of the Fourth U. S. Artillery. Quinan published Holt’s story in 1897 and described him as a "...raw-boned, ,hard featured red-headed, horny handed son of toil and adventure, but plain and modest withal and every word he had to say bore the impress of truth, so that no one questioned his story in the smallest detail5.”

From Sitka, Holt sailed to Kodiak aboard the schooner Nellie Edes6. Next, he tried his hand at prospecting in the Cook Inlet and Susitna River areas with minimal luck. In the spring of 1882, Holt tempted the fates and followed a band of Ahtna Indians during their seasonal migration to the confluence of the Copper and Chitina Rivers and into the village of Taral. Few white men had ever ventured into this part of the country (and lived to tell about it) because the Ahtna Indians were fiercely territorial. Once again (just like his “lucky” trek over the Chilkoot Pass) Holt beat the odds and managed to survive an entire summer with the Ahtna7, but the end result was a mutual distrust and hatred that would play a big part in Holt's murder in 1885.

Holt was a stern man with little respect and NO tact when it came to dealing with the Copper River Ahtna. He used every opportunity to impugn their character by calling them "treacherous and thievish". This so angered the Ahtna that they were still raging (about Holt) to Lieutenant Henry T. Allen when Allen explored the Copper River area three years later8.        

By 1885, Holt was an agent for the Alaska Commercial Company (ACC) in Nuchek9; later that same year he was transferred to the Knik ACC where he worked with a Dena’ina (interpreter and assistant manager) named Afanasii10.  Afanasii is an important character in the story of George Holt’s murder, so here is a little background information on him:

Afanasii, (masculine  Russian name meaning "immortal"), also went by the nickname Afon’ka11; he was an opportunist in every sense of the word. In 1883, he was working as an interpreter for the Knik ACC store when an agent, named G. Chechenov, caught him stealing. Afanasii diverted attention from his thievery12 by telling the villagers that Chechenov13 had put a curse on them. Language barriers prevented Chechenov from defending himself and the worried villagers threatened to kill him. The Chief of Knik stopped the plan and Chechenov fled Knik and went to Tyonek. With Chechenov gone, Afanasii was free to help himself to store goods until the ACC sent another agent.

Afanasii's plan worked so well, that he tried it again, a year later, when the ACC sent another agent to Knik, a  Russian named Malakhov14. When the new agent caught Afanasii stealing from the store, Afanasii once again diverted attention from his crime by telling the villagers that Malakhov was a dishonest man; an incendiary character flaw that the villagers could not tolerate. Once again, language barriers and the lack of law enforcement forced the ACC agent to flee for his life. Once again Afanasii had full access to store merchandise.

A year later, in 1885, George Holt was sent from the ACC store at Nuchek to replace Agent Malakhov at the ACC store in Knik. Unfortunately for Holt, the company retained Afanasii as Holt's interpreter. All Afanasii had to do, to get rid of the new agent, was to promote a confrontation between hot tempered Holt and one of his Copper River customers.

That opportunity presented itself just a few months later, when two Copper River Indians arrived at Knik to trade. Holt argued with one of them and kicked him out of the store. Afanasii wasted no time in convincing the banished customer that the only way to reclaim his honor was to kill Holt. Four days after the original confrontation, on 12/19/188515, the Indian returned to the store and did just that.

Word of the murder quickly reached the ACC headquarters at Tyonek. The agent there, a Russian named Vladimir Vasilii Stafeev16 (who had worked for the RAC and ACC since 186417) appointed himself to investigate the murder. His journals include investigation notes and testimony from five eye witnesses as well as two confessions from the shooter himself. Stafeev's journals, written in Russian, were translated for me by Andrea Znamenski18 in 2008 and are used extensively in this treatise.

Upon hearing of the murder, Stafeev instantly suspected Afanasii since he was familiar with Afanasii's double dealings. He tried to get someone from Tyonek to travel to Knik to get more information but everyone was afraid to go. A day later, the zakaschik (assistant to the Chief) of Tyonek said he had talked to someone from Knik (probably Afanasii) and was assured that everything was settled.

One week after the murder, Afanasii's brother (unnamed) went to Tyonek to tell Vladimir Stafeev his account of the crime. He said that 2 Copper River Indians came to Knik; one of them argued with Holt about some tobacco and Holt pushed him, hurting the mans leg as he fell against a barrel in the store. The Indian wanted to shoot Holt immediately, but people in the store stopped him. After 4 days, the men were preparing to leave Knik when one man told the other that he had forgotten to say good-bye to someone and went back to the store. Holt came out of the store to urinate and the Indian shot him. Upon hearing the shot, Afanasii's brother rushed out of the store and saw the murderer standing over Holt who was lying in a pool of bloody snow19. Afanasii's brother ran after the man and begged him not to harm anyone else in the village to which the murderer assured him that he was only after Holt. Later, the murderer broke into the store, at mid-day and took what he wanted.

The day after this testimony was given in Tyonek, Stafeev had more questions for the witness and asked him to repeat the story. The second time the story was told, there were far too many inconsistencies and Stafeev was suspicious that the mans testimony was an effort to conceal Afanasii's involvement20. Stafeev's suspicions were deepened because it was common knowledge that Afanasii had long standing plans to run the Knik ACC store himself (so he could steal goods whenever he wanted to).

When Stafeev told the people of Tyonek that he was going to go to Knik to investigate the murder in person, Afanasii's brother tried to frighten him off by saying the murderer might still be there and that Stafeev might get killed as well. When the warning did not dissuade Stafeev from going to Knik, the brother asked him exactly what route he would be using, which deepened Stafeev's suspicions21.

Stafeev was concerned about further violence with the Copper River traders at Knik, so he sent Afanasii's brother to tell any returning customers that no one was mad at them and it was Holt's own fault that he was killed. He also sent word that Afanasii should greet the Copper River traders and give them food treats when they came into the store. Stafeev figured that time would defuse the situation and also give him time to travel to Knik himself.

Stafeev was not the only one who was suspicious of Afanasii's involvement in the murder; Tyonek Chief Nikolai22 believed the murder would not have taken place without Afanasii's goading. They also received reports of Afanasii's family wearing new clothing when they went to church; Stafeev suspected the clothes were stolen from the store after Holt's murder.

Two weeks after the murder, Afanasii's wife went to Tyonek to talk to Stafeev. She told him that the man that killed Holt was acting crazy and that Afanasii had to give him $124 dollars worth of store goods so that he wouldn't go to Tyonek and kill Stafeev. Stafeev saw this as another of Afanasii's attempts to confuse the investigation.

Three weeks after the murder, a group of men from Knik brought some pelts and furs to Stafeev in Tyonek. They told him that George Holt had purchased them before he died. When Stafeev checked the paperwork, he noticed that the sale was for 78 sable pelts, however, the men only delivered 58 pelts. Stafeev seemed certain that Afanasii has helped himself to the other 20 pelts.

Stafeev eventually made it to Knik to listen to witnesses; he talked to a woman who carried water for George Holt every day. She said that she saw Holt lying in bloody snow in front of the store and turned him over to check his heart; he was dead. She went to get Afanasii, who had stayed in his house until noon and they carried Holt's body back into the store23.
Another witness (unnamed person) describes the Ahtna customer shaking the lock on the trading post door, as if to signal Holt to come outside; the man then hid out of sight. When Holt came out to check the lock, the Indian shot him24.
Another witness (unnamed person) said the Ahtna customer hung around the store pretending to look for something. Holt watched him for a while then turned to go back into the store and the Indian shot him25.
Another witness was a boy (unnamed) who said that after Holt was killed, Afanasii began to cry. The surprised murderer asked Afanasii why he was crying since Afanasii had hired him to kill Holt. Afanasii then gave the murderer $124 worth of store goods to keep him quiet about the murder26.

Stafeev’s journals even recorded a confession from the murderer himself. One of the confessions was made to a Knik medicine man, named Konstantin, in the summer of 1886; Konstantin's niece was the guilty mans wife. The shooter said that after Holt threw him out of the store, 
Afanasii repeatedly put him to shame and kept asking “why did you let Holt get away with that?” The taunting so enraged the Indian that he shot George Holt27.

It was the collective opinion of the people of Knik, that if Holt's murderer was arrested, that Afanasii should also be arrested since all of the evidence pointed to him. They told Stafeev that Afanasii's brother lied about the murderer when he said that the murderer was going to Tyonek to kill Stafeev. The truth was, that the murderer wanted to go to Tyonek to tell Stafeev that Afanasii had hired him to kill Holt and that he wanted to go to Kenai so he could confess to his godfather, Father Nikita Marchenkov28. 

Stafeev’s journal does not mention the name of the man who killed Holt; however, in 1917, a Ketchikan newspaper gives the murderers name as Nicolai, the son of a powerful Copper River medicine man31. The article described Nicolai as "a tall strapping man, who would make a match for any good size white man”32.
In exchange for the right to resume trade at Knik, Nicolai remained peaceful for the next year.
The Copper River Indians sent word that they were grateful that Stafeev was not angry with them because they valued being able to purchase tea, gun powder and tobacco at Knik. As a show of good faith, the Ahtna were willing to pay “redemption money”29 for the murder and as a gesture of penance, Afanasii returned his trading post keys. In yet another token of peace, the murderer went back to his camp and told everyone they should not argue with the ACC store managers, using his own experience as an example of what could happen to them if they did30.

An example of the new civility came when a new Knik ACC agent named McFord bought a black fox pelt from two Ahtna trappers in the fall of 1886; he paid them $13. A few months later, the same men returned with a second pelt and McFord paid them $15 for it. The trappers accused him of cheating them (on the FIRST pelt) and demanded he pay them the extra two dollars; when McFord refused, the trappers threatened to kill him (Stafeev suspects that Afanasii had a hand in this tension). However, it was Nicolai (the man who killed Holt), that came to McFord's defense this time and sent word that he would kill anyone that harmed McFord34.

When Holt's murderer was not arrested,
three ACC store agents (Alec Ryan, George Shell and J. B. Ballow) wrote to Alaska Governor Swineford, offering to apprehend the murderer and turn him over if the Governor would send an authority to receive the prisoner at Knik, but the Governor never replied. A scathing news article (Sitka 1886) titled “Our Crippled Judiciary”, condemned the authorities in Sitka for ignoring the Knik murder and reported that the Copper River Indians were bragging about the government being afraid of them43. The Governors only response was that he “did not have time” to deal with the case44.

Nine months after Holt’s murder, a new ACC agent named J. B. Ballow was stationed at Knik35. By December of 1886, the Ahtna’s, emboldened by the lack of government action for Holt's death, were issuing death threats to the people of Knik in earnest. Many were afraid to live anywhere near Knik and temporarily moved to the safety of Susitna Station or Tyonek.
In 1887, a New York Times article reported that Governor Swineford accused the U.S. Government of protecting the ACC by allowing them a monopoly on the fur trade in Alaska. He said the "ACC, by the power of its great wealth, had driven away all competition and reduced the Native populations to a condition of helpless dependence, if not absolute slavery,  wherever the ACC was not supervised by government agents". He felt that an absence of healthy competition had allowed the ACC to force the Natives to accept “such beggarly prices for their peltry, that it manages invariably to keep them in its debt and at its mercy. In order to more effectually monopolize the trade, the ACC has marked and mutilated the coin of the United States and refuses to receive any other from the Natives in payment of goods sold to them.”

I believe this New York Times article exposes Governor Swineford’s true reason for not responding to George Holt’s murder; he was  angry with the ACC and had no intention of coming to their aid.
In spite of constant threats, the Copper River traders avoided Knik for the next three months39. Ballow assumed they must have been trading with the “Three Brothers”40 or at Cape Martin, but in the spring of 1887, the Copper River people, accompanied by their Chief, returned to Knik to trade. They told Ballow that they had stayed away because the people of Nuchek told them Ballow had killed many men and would kill them too if they returned to Knik41. The agent assured them that he had no intentions of killing anyone and trade resumed. In 1887, the Knik Indians even built a church with hopes of converting the Copper River Ahtna while they were in Knik38.

In the fall of 1890, George Shell, the new ACC agent for Knik arrived on the schooner Kodiak. Also on that schooner were two white men, Al Creason and C. Wise, who were scheduled to spend the winter at Knik with Shell. It only took two weeks for Shell to encounter his first conflict. with the man who killed George Holt. Shell wrote in his journal that he "may have to kill the Indian in self defense"43.

In January of 1891, word arrived that the Copper River people were on their way to Knik to kill everyone45.
In self defense, villagers built a 25’ watchtower on top of the trading post and manned it 24 hours a day, hoping to have the advantage over any attackers, should they approach45.

Word reached Knik, again in February, that Nicolai and his followers were gathered six miles away at "Upper Kennick" and  planning an attack. Alec Ryan, who had a store at Knik, closed his shop and left for Tyonek48. George Shell, the Knik ACC agent closed the trading post and left for the safety of Kenai49. Keep in mind that ACC agents were totally without backup or legal recourse at that time. The closest authorities were almost 600 miles away (in Sitka) and a Revenue Cutter had not been seen in Cook Inlet in four years. With that in mind, it is no wonder that the remaining white men at Knik (Alec Ryan, Charles Miller and Al Creason), took it upon themselves to act as judge, jury and executioners on April 22, 1891 when they hung Benast'a Gga's son, Nicolai, for killing George Holt and his constant threats to the people of Knik.
n Ahtna man named Chashga was in Knik the day of the execution (Chashga would later become the
father of Nickafor Alexan of Tyonek). Chashga told the story of Nicolai's execution to Dena’ina Elder Shem Pete. In 1985, Shem Pete repeated the story to Dena'ina historian James Kari51 who was kind enough to share Pete's unpublished version with me in 2010.

Shem Pete could not remember the Ahtna name of the man who killed George Holt, but he did remember that the shooters fathers name was
Benast’a Gga
. So, in Shem Pete’s retelling of Chashga’s account of the murder, he calls the shooter: “Son of Benast’a Gga” or “Little Benast’a Gga” which can get confusing.

Below you will find my abridged version of Shem Pete's story about the capture and execution of George Holt's murderer.  I have not changed his story except that I have used the murderers Orthodox name [Nicolai] in an effort to make the story easier to follow.

My Abridged Version of Shem Pete’s Story About
the Capture and Execution of George Holt’s Murderer
as Told by Shem Pete to James Kari 1985

The Copper River Indians came down to Knik to trade, among them was Benast'a Gga's son [Nicolai].
They were all complaining about the price of goods at the store. The storekeeper grabbed [Nicolai] from the back, kicked him in the behind and threw him out of the store; the Indians gathered their goods and left Knik.

At their camp on the  Chickaloon River, [Nicolai] told his father that he was going back to Knik. His father, Benast'a Gga, a big medicine man, assumed that his son was going back to Knik to see a woman, so he said OK.

[Nicolai] left Chickaloon and went directly to his friends house at Eklutna. He showed his friend a muzzle loader hand gun and told him he was going to kill the storekeeper at Knik with it. After a short conversation, his friend decided there was nothing he could to to deter [Nicolai], so he let him go.

Shem Pete's story does not include the actual murder...
it jumps from Nicolai heading to Knik to kill George Holt
in his execution in 1891.

Pete's story jumps ahead here to 1891:

The next day, [Nicolai] went to Knik to visit a "woman that he loved". This woman had children, but no one in Knik would marry her because of her relationship with [Nicolai].

While he was there, three white men, wearing ankle length navy blue coats, with revolvers hidden inside, went inside the woman's house and found [Nicolai] sitting, barefoot, at a table, drinking tea. The white men overpowered him and drug him out of the house and down a trail that led toward the Inlet. Along the way, they passed [Nicolai's] best friend, Chashga, who was taking a steam bath; the white men told Chashga to "have a good steam bath". He knew what they said because he was an interpreter and understood Russian and English.  

When the white men got to their house, they took [Nicolai] inside and someone threw them a rope from upstairs. They tied it around [Nicolai's] neck and legs so he couldn't move around, then they tied the rope to a flag pole outside. [Nicolai] was heard saying "Bashidil, take me up to heaven and help me" just before they "hoisted him up and choked his throat".

Chashga had one short leg and had to walk with a stick, so by the time he got dressed and reached his best friend (who was also his Uncle), it was too late; [Nicolai] was dead and the three white men had gone back inside their house. Chashga followed them in with intentions of shooting them, but once he got inside, he realized there were more people upstairs that he was not prepared to kill, so he decided against it.

The people of Knik were afraid that the Copper River clan would come back and burn down Knik when they heard about the hanging, so the three white men sent a man named Paul (the younger brother of Knik's Chief Nikolai) to talk to Benast'a Gga who was camped at Chickaloon. They armed Paul with two hand guns, hidden in his clothes, and gave him a new rifle before sending him off on foot to deliver the message.

Just outside of Benast'a Gga's Chickaloon camp, Paul hid the new rifle under some spruce boughs and entered the camp. Once inside, he nervously broke small branches as he spoke to [Nicolai's] father; he knew Benast'a Gga was a tough man. Paul told him that the white men had warned [Nicolai] not to come back to Knik many times; they gave him good advise but [Nicolai] kept returning, so they hung him.

Upon hearing this, the entire camp started to “cry and holler” in grief. Paul knew his life was in danger, but he respectfully waited until “the sun was setting in the down river direction” before leaving camp. As he walked away, he told [Nicolai's] younger sister "I'm going to go back now"; "yes," she said, "take care of yourself"; she thought the Copper River people might kill him.

Paul wore a red wool coat and when he lifted the tail of the coat, his gun handles stuck out of his pockets. He began to run, stopping only to retrieve his rifle from the spruce boughs outside of Benast'a Gga's camp. He ran as if he was flying and imagined hot pain in his back until he ran beyond the distance that Copper River bullets could travel.

Paul's older sister watched and waited for him to come back at the place they called "point extends" (Jim Kari says this is the overflow marsh at Knik); she was worried about him. She thought the Copper River people might have killed him and thrown him in the water, but he ran "like a champion". It was a long distance from Chickaloon to Knik, so he didn't get back to Knik until early in the morning. 

Fear of retribution, for hanging Benast'a Gga's son, consumed Knik for the next month. The white men in the village armed the remaining Dena’ina with rifles. They also drilled holes in the walls of their buildings and hung muskrat skins over the holes, so they could watch for any approaching attackers if Benast'a Gga's people declared war on Knik52.

When the Copper River people eventually came back to trade, the white men watched them carefully and they were allowed to go back and forth to the store in pairs only.

End of Shem Pete's Story

I've never found record of any retribution by Benast'a Gga's people for the death of [Nicolai]. 

According to the ACC records, George Holt’s body was exhumed from Knik in 1890 and was re-buried in the Old American Cemetery on Mill Bay Road in Kodiak. A large headstone is engraved (with the wrong date of death55), it says “C. G. Holt Killed by Indians December 24, 1884 Age 48”.

Holt's estate was valued at $1,829, in cash, when probate papers were filed in Sitka, by Major M. P. Berry, on July 24, 1892. With no heirs, the value of Holt’s estate was quickly consumed, by a variety of lawyers, over the following year.56

George Holt grave in Kodiak, Alaska  

Photo taken by Sashinka & Diana Keplinger, Kodiak, Alaska

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The Man Who Instigated Holt's Murder

I know of at least two different Afanasii's living in the immediate Knik area the year after Holt's murder. The first one was mentioned in the ACC journal of J.B. Ballow who took over Holt's job, nine months after the murder. Ballow said a man named Afanasii worked at a small trading post owned by _____ Bowen (6 miles from Knik); Ballow called him "Bowen's Afanasii". Ballow also mentions a man named Afanasii, that was his interpreter at the ACC store, Ballow called him "Interpreter Afanasii".  

To complicate things further, I found two MORE Afanasii's of the right age and close proximity to Knik; one living at Hope on the 1900 US Census (age 50), with a wife named Mary (age 30), son William (age 18), adopted son Stephan (age 28) and an adopted son Pedro (age 19). Another Afanasii was mentioned in the Herning diaries as owning a sloop at Knik in 1904. I'm not sure if there were FOUR men named Afanassi in the area, or if the man in Hope and the man with the sloop, the SAME men as mentioned in Ballow's 1886 journal.

The Shem Pete book says that Afanasii was the Russian name for Dusgeda Tukda who became a qeshqa ("rich man" or Chief) of Knik village. Qeshqa's were responsible for the social and economic well being of the village. Besides settling disputes and allocating hunting and fishing destinations, the qeshqa was expected to maintain a reputation as a wealthy, influential leader who was generous with his good fortune. If a qeshqa was miserly, or if he did not work for the betterment of the village, the village medicine man "broke him with bad luck" and all of the qeshqa's power would be lost.

THAT is exactly what happened to Afanasii, the man who instigated the murder of George Holt. Afanasii became a middle man between the commercial fur traders and the Native people who harvested the furs. He paid his people only a small fraction of what the white men paid for furs, keeping the rest of the money himself, making him a very wealthy man. His wealth was said to be so great that he had eight caches full of possessions, yet he shared very little with his people, which angered the Dena'ina greatly, causing the village medicine man to wish Afanasii much bad luck. Over time, Afanasii lost most of his wealth, his power and the respect of his people. Stories about his final years, described him as a man so poor that he lived on what other people threw away and the villagers hated him.

In the end, Shem Pete said that Afanasii (Dusgeda Tukda) was captured about 2 miles from the mouth of the Little Susitna River. They forced him into a small bath house, which was on the east bank of the river, and nailed the door and widow shut; he was left there to die. In the spring, his body was removed from the bath house and buried at that spot53.

If the above legend is accurate, how does that coincide with the following newspaper obituary?

Seward Weekly Gateway 7/24/1909
Chief Affanacy, the hiyu big Chief of the Aleuts of the Cook Inlet region, has been gathered to his fathers. His end, unlike his career, was peaceful.
Time was when Chief Affanacy was a power, a veritable absolute monarch among his people.  All paid tribute to him and he thus amassed considerable wealth.  He was a natural leader, firm and unyielding. His personality was strong and magnetic and when in his presence the other natives recognized in him one who must be obeyed.
Affanacy once had his headquarters at Old Knik** (see below)
. Years ago, when the region was chiefly inhabited by natives, an agent of the ACC at that place was murdered.  The crime was laid at the door of the native chief; not the actual commission, but the instigation. The law's delay and the lack of testimony permitted this foul crime to go unpunished. But the finger of suspicion pointed incessantly at Affanacy. 
The whites began to invade the land in a mad gold rush. With their advent, the chief's power began gradually to wane. When he died a few days ago, at Kenai, he was living in poverty, shorn of his power and but a relic of former greatness54.

End of Obituary

In Afanasii/Dusgeda Tukda the man who died on the Little Susitna River or is he the man who died in Kenai?

There is much more research to be done, many records to glean and many historical puzzle pieces yet to fit together.


NOTE: Some maps (circa  1900) commonly (but incorrectly) referred to the present day Eklutna area as Old Knik. Chief Afanasii's headquarters was always near Knik Station on the west side of Knik Arm. It is well established that George Holt's murder took place at present day Knik (not the Eklutna side).

Since most records spelled the original Dena'ina names phonetically, you will find Afanasii spelled a variety of ways: Affanassia, Afinassi, Affanassa, Affinassi, Affinassia, etc. The correct Russian spelling is Afanasii.


1. One of the men that hung Nicolai was Alec Ryan, who later became an ACC agent at Kenai. Records show that Ryan was a tyrant when it came to dealing with the Native population of Kenai. A petition, written by 23 Kenai Indians (with the help of their priest), was submitted to District Judge Warren Truitt in 1895. The Natives asked Judge Truitt to remove Ryan from Kenai because he tormented them, beat them, threatened them with guns, made alcohol in his store, drank constantly and broke into their houses and drug them out in the middle of the night.  They wrote, "neither cries of women or weeping children stopped this scoundrel."  Further evidence that Alec Ryan was out of control came from a report, written in 1895, by Father Vladimir Donskoi to the Alaska Ecclesiastical Consistory in Kodiak.  He said the 1895 population of Kenai was 1,022 and yet the government did not have a single official or representative in Kenai.  In addition, he said the Kodiak Justice of the Peace paid no attention to complaints about the men named Ryan, Parmer (Palmer) and Krisson (Creason) who were causing disorder at the Kenai church.

2.  As for actual names of the three white men than hung Nicolai for the murder of George Holt:
Alec Ryan
, Charles Miller and Al Creason; I found their names on two different documents. The names Alec Ryan and Al Creason were found in part two of the previously mentioned 1895 petition. In part the petition read: "...five years ago, he (Alec Ryan) together with Knik storekeeper Krisson, illegally hanged an Orthodox Copper River Indian at Knik".

The third man, Charles Miller, was mentioned in a certificate issued by Justice of the Peace James Wilson of Kenai, which said: "I, Justice of the Peace, appointed by American government for the enforcement of law and order, here, issue this paper to the Russian Orthodox Church to certify that Mr. A. K. Ryan and Mr. Charles Miller, acted in compliance with the rules of the American government when they  hanged a Copper River savage in Knik Village on April 22, 1891."

3. Vladimir Vasilii Stafeev, the man who investigated the George Holt murder, had been an agent for the Russian Commercial Company, a small trading post inside of the Russian fort at St. Nicholas Redoubt (Kenai), since 1864.  A year after Alaska was purchased, in 1867, the Russian Commercial Company became the ACC and Stafeev continued working for them as a trading post agent; he eventually transferred to Tyonek. His personal journals (translated) were used extensively in this report.

Sources - Endnotes

1  The Alaskan, "Alaska History", October 2, 1897

2 Alaska Commercial Company, Knik Station Log Book, 1883-1903. Knik Box 24, folder 305. Alaska
  Polar Regions Collections, Elmer Rasmuson Library, University of Alaska, Fairbanks. Hereafter
  referred to as ACC Knik Log Books.  Note: ACC log book is labeled "1 year anniversary of Holt
  assassination 12/19/1886"

3 Overland Monthly and Out West  W.R. Quinan "The Discovery of the Yukon Gold Fields", October
  1897, pages 340-342.

4 The Alaskan, "Alaska History", October 2, 1897.

5 Ibid.

6 The Alaskan, "From Kodiak's Special Correspondent, July 17, 1886, page 1.

7 Henry T. Allen, Report of an Expedition to the Copper, Tanana and Koyukuk Rivers in the Territory
  of Alaska in the year 1885", Washington: GPO, 1887) page 23.

8 Ibid.

9 Ibid.

10Stafeev Papers, translated by Andrei Znamenski 2007, hereafter called Stafeev Papers.

11Andrei Znamenski correspondence to Coleen Mielke, September 29, 2008.

12Stafeev Papers, December 31, 1885.

13Stafeev Papers, January 4, 1886.

15Alaska Commercial Company, Knik Station Log Book, 1883-1903. Knik Box 24, folder 305, December
 12, 1886.

16Stafeev Papers, December 29, 1885.

17Andrei Znamenski,  "Through Orthodox Eyes, Russian Missionary Narratives of Travels to the
Dena'ina and Ahtna"
, 1850's-1930's", page 112.

18Unpublished Shem Pete interview done by James Kari June 16, 1985.

19Stafeev Papers, December 26, 1885.

20Stafeev Papers, January 5, 1886.

21Stafeev Papers, December 29, 1885.

22Stafeev Papers, January 4, 1886.

23Stafeev Papers, undated entry.

24Stafeev Papers, undated entry.

25Stafeev Papers,undated entry.

26Stafeev Papers, January 13, 1886.

27Stafeev Papers, July 12, 1886.

28Staffeev Papers, January 13, 1886.

29Stafeev Papers, January 25, 1886.


31Fairbanks Daily News Miner, January 23, 1917, page 2.

32ACC Knik Log Books, March 19, 1887.

33Andrei Znamenski, "Through Orthodox Eyes", page 12.

34Stafeev Papers, February 6, 1887.

35The Alaskan, "The Knik Murder", November 6, 1886, page 4.

36Andrei Znamenski, "Through Orthodox Eyes", page 12.

37ACC Knik Log Books, December 5, 1886.

38ACC Knik Log Books, February 9, 1887.

39ACC Knik Log Books, February 17, 1887.

40ACC Knik Log Books, February 13, 1887.

41ACC Knik Log Books, March 17,1887.

42ACC Knik Log Books, 12/21/1890.


44The Alaskan, "Our Crippled Judiciary", November 6, 1886, page 2.

45ACC Knik Log Books, February 27, 1891.

46Fairbanks Daily News Miner, January 23, 1917, page 2.

47ACC Knik Log Books, March 13, 1891.

48ACC Knik Log Books, March 24, 1891.

49ACC Knik Log Books, April 7, 1891.

50The Alaskan, "From Kodiaks Special Correspondent", July 17, 1886, page 1.

51Unpublished Shem Pete interview done by James Kari, June 16, 1985.


53"Shem Pete's Alaska", by James Kari and James Fall, page 349.

54Seward Weekly Gateway, July 24, 1909.

55ACC Knik Log Books, December 7, 1886.

56Alaska State Library Archives, Probate Files, Sitka, File 14711.



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