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The Aaron Stark Family Chronicles

Volume 4: Descendants of Jonathan Stark & Sarah Lacock; The Kentucky Stark Families

Part 3: The Years in Kentucky

Chapter 5: Why Did The Stark Families Move From Pennsylvania to Kentucky

By Clovis LaFleur, February 2008; Edited by Donn Neal

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Introduction

Reported as residents of Nelson County, Virginia (later Kentucky) on the 1785 tithable list were James Stark, Joseph Stark, John Stark, and Jonathan Stark [the younger]. In 1786, Christopher Stark became a resident, reported on the tithable list that year with his brothers and Daniel Joined the brothers in Kentucky in 1787. They were the same men proven to be residents of Washington County, Pennsylvania prior to moving to Nelson County.

Many families living in Washington County who had been Virginia adherents during the boundary dispute years, migrated to the tributaries of the Salt River (located south of present day Louisville, Kentucky). Nelson County was created from Jefferson County, Virginia in 1784 and after the division, the Salt River became the southern boundary of Jefferson County and part of the northern boundary of the newly formed county.

There could have been many motivations for this migration. However, the following were the most likely reasons the Stark Families and many of their neighbors moved to Kentucky.

Many moved because their Virginia Certificates, issued under the authority of Virginia from 1779 to 1782, were probably not recognized by the Washington County, Pennsylvania courts or land office (which opened July 1, 1784). This was the most likely reason the Stark families moved.

In 1782, the Washington County Court issued criminal indictments against several individuals for assault and battery. These men, on the authority of Virginia officials acting within the boundary of Pennsylvania, used violence to forcibly draft men for service in General George Rogers Clark’s expedition down the Ohio in 1781. These men were acquitted of these charges in 1782, primarily because the Virginia adherents were in the majority at the time the court met. By 1784, the Virginian majority began to weaken and these same men could have feared they may be prosecuted again by the Pennsylvania courts. There is a possibility the Stark families participated if they were trying to protect their property rights.

Others may have simply been taking advantage of the Virginia Certificates of Settlement and Preemption warrants being issued on the tributaries of the Salt River from 1779 to 1792. Others may have moved to the region as a result of the newly passed resolutions by the Continental Congress in 1784 and 1785 which created the Northwest Territory and new opportunities to become landowners. This could have been a reason for the Stark families to move, but circumstances suggests the probability was low.

Washington County was within the jurisdiction of Pennsylvania (officially on September 23, 1780). On March 1, 1780, the Pennsylvania General Assembly passed an act which provided for the gradual abolition of slavery within its boundaries. Because many Virginians owned slaves, they probably removed from Washington County to take up residence within the jurisdiction of Virginia where the institution of slavery would continue. Although a possible reason for the Stark families to move, no evidence has found these families owned slaves.

For whatever reason, many of these families living in Washington County, Pennsylvania prior to 1792, moved to Nelson County and the Stark families, with some of their neighbors, joined this migration.

The Virginia Certificates in Washington County, Pennsylvania

In May of 1779, Commissioners appointed by Virginia and Pennsylvania began meeting in Baltimore to resolve the boundary dispute. In that same month, the Virginia Assembly appointed "land-title commissioners" for the purpose of adjusting and settling titles of claimants to unpatented lands in the counties of Yohogania, Monongalia, and Ohio. The commissioners were given the authority to grant certificates to claimants after hearing proof of settlement within the disputed regions.[1]

August 31, 1779, the Baltimore commissioners signed an agreement which extended the Mason and Dixon line due west from its ending point by five degrees of longitude as computed from the Delaware River, which moved the southern boundary of Pennsylvania about 23 miles further west. From the western extension of this Mason-Dixon line, a meridian was drawn due north which was to be the western boundary of Pennsylvania. This agreement brought into existence the south and west boundaries of the region that would become Washington County in March of 1781.[1]

On November 19, 1779, the Supreme Executive Council and the Assembly of Pennsylvania;

"Resolved, unanimously, That this House do ratify and finally confirm the agreement entered into between the commissioners from the State of Virginia and the commissioners from this State, which agreement is in the following words [quoting the agreement of August 31, 1779.]"[1]

However, Virginia did not act on the commissioners' recommendations until the summer of 1780 and during the intervening time continued to exercise her authority over the Washington County region. The Virgina "land-title commissioners" arrived in Yohogania, Monongalia, and Ohio counties in November of 1779 and began granting Virginia Certificates allowing the claimed property to be surveyed. The seeds of discontent were being sowed for later litigation as everyone within the region awaited Virginia's acceptance of the Baltimore commissioners agreement.

November 29, 1779, Thomas Scott expressed his indignation regarding the certificates when he wrote to the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania, of which he was a member "respecting the State of Virginia empowering commissioners to sell lands within the bounds of this State, particularly in the county of Westmoreland."[2] On the next day, upon receipt of this correspondence, Joseph Reed, the president of the Pennsylvania Council, requested the Pennsylvania delegates to the Continental Congress introduce a resolution suggesting neither party in the boundary dispute should disturb the possessions of any person living in the disputed region. December 27, 1779, the Continental Congress passed a resolution which requested both parties discontinue granting warrants or certificates to any part of the disputed land, or to disturb the possession of any persons living thereon, and to avoid every appearance of force until the dispute could be amicably settled.[2]

On the very next day, Joseph Reed issued a proclamation given to Thomas Scott on December 29th which quoted the Baltimore Agreement; re-stated Pennsylvania's ratification of that decision; and stated the above reported resolution of Congress. Reed closed his proclamation by issuing orders requiring all officers, civil and military, and other subjects of Pennsylvania, pay due obedience and respect to the resolution of Congress.[2] In a side note to Mr. Scott, who was to deliver the proclamation to the western frontier, Reed wrote:

"We have sent you an attested Copy of the Resolution of Congress, that you may communicate it to the Commissioners (of Virginia) if they are yet with you, and we would desire you to do it in form, demanding of them whether they will yield Obedience thereto, and transmitting to us their Answer so Authenticated that, if necessary, we may lay the same before Congress. We shall also remonstrate with the Government of Virginia."[2]

Meanwhile, some of the Virginia "land-title commissioners" were sitting at Redstone and Fort Cox, surveying properties that would later be within the bounds of Washington County, Pennsylvania. Colonel William Crawford was the county surveyor for Yohogania County, Virginia (claiming jurisdiction over parts of Washington County) and copies of his "Record Book of Surveys" are still available for inspection. Some of the earliest entries were made in February of 1780 and the greatest number of these were located on Pigeon Creek and its tributaries.[1]

On January 20, 1780, the Virginia "land-title commissioners" received Joseph Reed's proclamation and his request the commissioners yield obedience to the Continental Congress resolution. The next day the commissioners answered in part as follows from Cox's Fort.

"We do not conceive an immediate application to us (on the resolution of Congress) consistent with the rules of propriety; we rather think such applications ought to be made to the Governor of Virginia, under whose commission we act. Until that is done and we receive directions to the contrary we think ourselves obliged to continue to act under our commission."[2]

No directions from the Governor requiring the commissioners to honor the Continental Congress resolution were received and the granting of Virginia certificates continued.

March 24, 1780, the Supreme Executive Council and General Assembly of Pennsylvania made a presentation to Congress of their perception of the sorry state of affairs on the western frontier.

"And we now find ourselves (Pennsylvania) reduced to the sad alternative of seeing a number of honest, industrious settlers, who have peaceably purchased, cultivated, and enjoyed their lands for many years, under Titles of this State, now dispossessed and ruined, or enter into a contest which to us is dreadful in contemplation."

At the conclusion of this presentation, Pennsylvania, for the first time in this controversy, revealed they were prepared to forcibly exercise sovereignty over the region:

"...we shall endeavor to defend and preserve the Citizens of this State from further violence, and if necessary repel force with force, with what success we presume not to say. It is sufficient for us that opposition, Tyranny, and injustice are the same from whatever hands they proceed, and that no change or situation can be more disgraceful or distressing."[2]

In May of 1780, the Virginia Assembly responded to this belligerent declaration with several acts which would later affect the legitimacy of many of the Virginia Certificates issued after April. The Assembly granted more time to obtain warrants upon certificates for preemption rights (the right of purchasing before others), granted an additional eighteen months to all persons who may obtain certificates from the commissioners to enter the same; and added a clause which stated:

"Provided that the Court of Commissioners for the district of the counties of Monongalia, Yohogania, and Ohio do not use or exercise any jurisdiction respecting claims to lands within the territory in dispute between the States of Virginia and Pennsylvania, north of Mason and Dixon's line, until such dispute shall be finally adjusted and settled."[2]

Crumrine's "History of Washington County," on page 195, interpreted this clause to mean:

"The Virginia commissioners may not have granted any certificates to settlers (north of the Mason-Dixon line) after the passage of this act, in May or June, 1780, but her surveyors and deputy surveyors continued right along to receive entries, make official surveys, and to return the same, of lands within the present limits of Washington County, indeed until as late as June 3, 1782, more than a year after Washington County was erected."

If Crumrine's interpretation was correct, then the certificates of William Wood (granted June 8, 1780) and many of his neighbors could have later been legally challenged by the Washington County Courts or Land Office and nullified.

Finally, on June 23, 1780, the Lower House of the Virginia Assembly passed a resolution with conditions which confirmed Virginia's acceptance of the Baltimore Agreement. The resolution was passed by the Virginia Senate on July 1st and transmitted to Philadelphia. The condition Virginia added in part said”

"On Condition that the private property and rights of all persons acquired under, founded on, or recognized by the laws of either Country previous to the date hereof, be saved and confirmed to them...and that in the decision of disputes thereupon preference shall be given to the elder or prior right whichever of the said states the same shall have been acquired under..."[3]

September 23, 1780, the General Assembly of Pennsylvania grudgingly ratified the Virginia boundary agreement, in the interest of peace, including the conditions set forth in the Virginia resolution.[3] And yet, Virginia continued to issue certificates as late as June 3, 1782 in Washington County. Based on the above, once the Pennsylvania Land Office opened on July 1, 1784, it is quite probable many of these certificates issued from November of 1779 to June of 1782 were challenged and rejected. Claims of James Stark and Joseph Stark (not documented to have had Virginia Certificates recorded) could have been rejected because of a prior claim as stated in the conditions set forth in Virginia's resolution accepting the Baltimore Agreement.

Crumrine's "History of Washington County," on page 237, provides evidence of the land title complications created by the conditions set by Virginia.

"In the first year of the court's (Washington County Court) existence there were two hundred and eighty-five causes, of which fifty-seven were contentions about land titles. The great source of these contentions, it will readily be surmised, was the conditions attached by Virginia, on June 23, 1780, to her ratification of the Baltimore agreement of Aug. 31, 1779...[quote of Virginia conditions stated above]... Hence it followed that to determine which was the prior right, acquired under one State or the other, a suit at law was necessarily unavoidable, and the Virginia jurisdiction having been terminated the land-title contentions were left to be decided in the Pennsylvania courts, the greater part of them in Washington County."

Second Term of the Washington County Court, January 1, 1782

Early in 1781, General George Rogers Clark was authorized by Virginia to raise an army for the purpose of capturing Detroit. One hundred forty troops from Virginia were placed under his command and he was authorized to raise and equip two thousand additional men in southwestern Pennsylvania. March 28, 1781, the General Assembly of Pennsylvania created Washington County which was to include all of the territory west of the Monongahela River and north of the extended Mason-Dixon line. The settlers within this region continued to be divided on the issue of jurisdiction. Therefore, Pennsylvania adherents would not answer the militia call of a Virginian while most of the Virginia adherents were more than willing to support the Clark expedition.

Clark called for a rendezvous of the local militias on July 16, 1781 at several designated locations. C. Hale Sipe, in his publication titled "The Indian Wars of Pennsylvania," described Clark's methods of forcibly drafting men reluctant to join his expedition.

"On the day of the rendezvous the attendance at the several designated places was discouragingly small. Clark and his lieutenants immediately proceeded to raise men by draft. Such action was without warrant of law. It gave opportunity for the rougher element among the Virginians to exploit their hatred of their Pennsylvania neighbors. The work of drafting was carried on with many examples of pillage, cruelty and personal violence. Virginia raiding parties scoured the country on both sides of the Monongahela, seizing and beating men, frightening and abusing women, breaking houses and barns, plundering cellars, impressing grain and live stock and causing a general reign of terror. The long restrained animosities growing out of the boundary dispute now had play."[4]

Some of the Virginia adherents who played a part in drafting men in Washington County north of the Mason and Dixon line (under the authority of Virginia) were Colonel Dorsey Pentecost, John Canon, Gabriel Cox, and Daniel Leet. Six months later, Gabriel Cox, along with several others, was indicted by the Washington County Courts for assault and battery stemming from their attempts to draft men for the Clark expedition. C. Hale Sipe described one documented attempt to draft men for Clark's expedition.

"Colonel Gabriel Cox, who lived on Peter's Creek, near Finleyville, went about with a band of armed men, drafting the reluctant settlers. He sought John Douglass, one of the newly elected magistrates for Washington County, but did not find him at home. Thinking to catch John in Bed, Cox and his men returned to the house at night, burst in the door and frightened wife and children nearly to death. Douglass was not there and Cox threatened the trembling wife with his sword. The poor woman could not or would not tell where her husband was."[4]

A general election for Washington County were held on October 9, 1781 and the majority of those elected for these public offices were "former" Virginia adherents.[6] The Washington County Court of Quarters met January 1, 1782 and the second, third, fourth, and fifth causes entered into the record during this second term of the Court were entitled "Republica vs. Gabriel Cox." Each of these causes were indictments for assault and battery brought in the order given above by Isaac Gibson, Richard Parkinson, Hugh Sterling, and Hugh Scott. The Isaac Gibson and Richard Parkinson cases were continued and tried April 2, 1782. Gabriel Cox was acquitted by a jury of twelve men consisting of Virginia adherents and the other two indictments were dismissed. In like manner, John Vanata and Michael Tygart were indicted and acquitted of the same charges. Historians explain these indictments were brought against men for having assaulted individuals in Washington County while attempting to forcibly draft them under the authority of Virginia into the militia for service in General Clark's expedition.[5]

As might be expected, Virginia complained to the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania. The council then called on Thomas Scott, the clerk of the Washington County Court, to report the facts and circumstances. In a letter to President Dickinson dated August 15, 1783, will be found the facts related to the Cox case as stated by Mr. Scott.

"...The case of Col. Cox is shortly thus prosecutions were Instituted against him for assaults and Batteries in useing compulsory measures to draw forth the militia of Washington County, By virtue of orders issued by Col. Penticost in Character of Lieutenant of Yohogania county, for the Service of Genl. Clark's expedition down the Ohio in 1781. Which orders, as well the people who were thus compelled to service, as the Generality of the people of the county could not conceive to have proceeded from the authority of Virginia; not only because of the previous agreement of the Several Legislatures, but from the orders Given by that State on that occasion, to the Lieutenant of Monongalia county, viz. that he should confine his authority to the South side of Dixon's and Mason's Line Extended, although the greater part of that county lay north of that line; on this ground as well as on full conviction of the Legal extension of the Jurisdiction of this State, the people very Generally disobeyed these orders, and these prosecutions were commenced.

This being the true State of the Gentn's [Gentleman's] Case, and although his conduct on the occasion [of his April 2, 1782 trial date] was exceedingly disrespectful to the court, He coming at the head of a party in a Tumultious & contemptious Manner, continuing about the Streets in that Manner until evening, and the same night an attempt was made upon the house in which the court was held, and part of it Thrown down; yet so far was personal resentment and party Spirit from mingling with the proceedings of the Court, that a disposition to soften the prosecution was observable in most of the officers, and Col. Cox was actually acquitted. How this Can be termed a judgment against him for a Considerable sum, &c, I cannot understand. It is true that on account of his behavior already mentioned, I charged him Clarks [clerk's] fees. There was Indictments against one other Gent, who was also acquitted and discharged without fees; and there is a Suit pending against two others for things of the same nature, done at the same time; But there never was a decision of Court against any Virginia officer, as such, for any cause whatever."[5]

Crumrine's "History of Washington County," on page 239, speculated:

"Mr. Scott does not tell us, what may have been the case, that the jurymen who sat in Col. Cox's cases, having been the most of them former Virginia adherents, may have been out with him the night that a part of the house in which the court was held was 'Thrown down.'"

As the Virginia adherents power began to fade with time, perhaps some of the men who accompanied Cox on his militia draft raids or participated in the above events, were compelled to leave Washington County and the jurisdiction of Pennsylvania to avoid possible future prosecutions.

Virginia Certificates on the tributaries of the Salt River

Under the Virginia Land Law passed in May of 1779, residents of the Kentucky District [created December 1, 1776] could purchase Certificates of Settlement and Preemption Warrants if they met certain residency requirements. Persons in Kentucky County prior to January 1, 1778, who had made an improvement and planted a crop of corn, were eligible for 400 acre Certificates of Settlement for the land they had improved. They could purchase an additional 1000 acres, adjoining the Settlement tract, under a Preemption Warrant. Anyone in Kentucky County, Virginia, after January 1, 1778 and before May 1779 (when the Land Law was written) were eligible for a 400 acre Preemption Warrant for the tract on which they had made an improvement and planted a corn crop.[6]

A Land Commission was appointed to hear testimony from Kentucky County residents and their witnesses; the Commission then decided who qualified for 400 acre Certificate of Settlement warrants and/or 400 and 1000 acre Preemption warrants. The Commission for the Kentucky District consisted of William Fleming, Edmund Lyne, James Barbour and Stephen Trigg. The Commission conducted their hearings in Harrodsburg, St. Asaph (Logan's Fort), Boonesborough, Bryants Station (near Lexington), and the Falls of Ohio (Louisville).[6]

The Salt River and its tributaries were within the Kentucky District until it was abolished June 30, 1780 and divided into Fayette, Jefferson and Lincoln counties. Jefferson County, created on this date, now had the Salt River and its tributaries within its jurisdiction after the effective date of it's existence on November 1, 1780. Nelson County was created October 1, 1784 from Jefferson County and the effective date of the new County's existence was January 1, 1785.[6]

From the text of the act creating Nelson County: "BE it enacted by the General Assembly, That from and after the first day of January next, the county of Jefferson shall be divided into distinct counties by Salt River; and that part of the said county lying south of the said river shall be called and known by the name of Nelson, and all the residue of the said county shall retain the name of Jefferson." Therefore, all of the southern tributaries of the Salt River were within the jurisdiction of Nelson County beginning January 1, 1785.[6]

Among those receiving Virginia Certificates before November 1, 1780 were David Cox, Isaac Cox, Thomas Bullitt, James Rogers, Paul Froman and many others.[6] All had certificates granted by the District of Kentucky. Isaac Cox and his brothers are of particular interest for they were all brothers of the above infamous Gabriel Cox. All had lived in the region which became Washington County, Pennsylvania.

Cox's Station was founded by Isaac Cox in April of 1780, which was located in Nelson County north of Bardstown on the middle branch of Cox Creek, just east of the present day community of Cox Creek. Isaac Cox, with his brothers, Gabriel and David, grew to manhood in what is now Hampshire County, West Virginia. In 1775, Isaac married Mary Enoch in Hampshire County and then moved with his new bride northeast to the Monongahela River country where other members of the Cox and Enoch clans had moved several years earlier. During the boundary dispute between Pennsylvania and Virginia, the Cox Clan had bitterly resisted the inclusion of the region within the jurisdiction of Pennsylvania.[7]

Isaac Cox received his Kentucky County preemption warrant certificate April 26, 1780 which was signed by William Fleming, Stephen Trigg, and Edmund Lyne. He received the preemption as a result of stating he had erected improvements in 1776 "lying on Cox Creek that empties into the Town fork of Salt River and about four miles from the Rolling fork of Salt River." The warrant for this certificate was required to be entered with the county surveyor on or before the 26th of June 1780. On June 29th, 1780, Isaac Cox paid 400 pounds to the Common Wealth of Virginia. The receipt stated

"We the Publick Auditors of the Commonwealth of Virginia, do certify that Isaac Cox hath delivered to us the Treafurer's Receipt for Four hundred Pounds paid into the Treafury of Virginia, and that he the faid Isaac Cox his Heirs or Affigns, are entitled to One Thousand Acres of Wafte or unappropriated Lands within this Commonwealth, purfuant to an Act entitled 'An Act for eftablifhing a Land Office, and Afcertaining the Terms and Manner of granting wafte and unappropriated Lands.' - Given under our hands this twenty ninth day of June 1780."[6]

The property was surveyed March 28, 1781 and on June 1, 1782, Isaac Cox received his grant from Benjamin Harrison, the governor of the Virginia Commonwealth.[7] The above is an example of the process of becoming a land owner after obtaining a certificate of settlement or preemption warrant. This was the case for all of the properties along the tributaries of the Salt River which suggests all of this land was initially granted to the assignees by the Commonwealth of Virginia. No Revolutionary War warrants appear to have been issued in this region for it was most likely outside the acreage set aside for the Virginia Revolutionary War soldiers, which was further west.

None of these properties appear to have been granted to potential buyers by land speculators like the Transylvania Land Company, although the region would have been within the boundaries of Transylvania, purchased from the Cherokee Indians March 17, 1775. The purchase of the Transylvania Land Company was later declared null and void by the legislature of Virginia and in 1795, the Henderson Company investors were awarded 200,000 acres lying at the mouth of the Green River as compensation for money and other things which were given to the Indians when the initial purchase was made. For all practical purposes, the Virginia Commonwealth assumed control of the property purchased by the Transylvania Land Company and allocated land according to the above certificates of settlement and preemption warrants.[8]

The Land Ordinance of 1785, passed by the Continental Congress May 20, 1785, established the Northwest Territory, all of which lay to the north of the Ohio River and most likely had little if any impact on the allocation of properties on the tributaries of the Salt River. Virginia continued to issue certificates of settlement and preemption in the region until 1792, the year Kentucky achieved Statehood.

Pennsylvania Act for the gradual abolition of slavery

March 1, 1780, the Pennsylvania General Assembly passed an act for the gradual abolition of slavery. Crumrine's "History of Washington County," on page 257 summarized the provisions of this act.

"It will be seen that this act abolished slavery very gradually indeed. By its provisions a slave born prior to the act continued a slave for life, if registered. The children of registered slave mothers became servants for twenty-eight years, at the end of which time they became free, with freeman dues and privileges. But by this means slavery was certainly to disappear with that generation. And to it was that at length, in 1780, Pennsylvania, first of all the States, passed an act for the gradual emancipation of all the slaves within its jurisdiction."

However, this act was passed before September 23, 1780, the day Pennsylvania passed their resolution excepting the terms and conditions of the Baltimore Agreement. Washington County was created March 28, 1781and its southern and western boundaries were not finalized until the year 1785. Most likely the inhabitants of the county knew they were destined to be within the jurisdiction of Pennsylvania after September 23, 1780, but the delay in defining the boundary apparently allowed the Virginians, with questionable legality, to continue to exercise some authority over the region in opposition to the Pennsylvania authorities. Therefore, the complications created by the two jurisdictions during these years resulted in not only land title disputes, but disputes over the long term ownership of slaves.

April 13, 1782, the Pennsylvania General Assembly passed an act "to redress grievances within the Counties of Westmoreland and Washington." The slave issue was among those grievances this act addressed.

"And be it enacted by the Authority aforesaid, that it shall and may be lawful for all such inhabitants of the said counties, who were on the 23rd day of Sept. 1780, possessed of Negro or Mulatto slaves or servants until the age of thirty-one years, to register such slaves or servants agreeable to the directions of the acts aforesaid for the gradual abolition of slavery, on or before the 1st day of January next, and the said master or masters, owner, or owners, of such slaves or servants shall be entitled to his or their service as by the said act is directed, and the said slaves and servants shall be entitled to all benefits and immunities in the said act contained and express."[9]

Therefore, by January 1, 1783, all of the inhabitants of Washington County with slaves as defined by the act of March 1, 1780, were required to register those slaves. In an Act passed March 29, 1788, the General Assembly provided that any slaves brought into the State by persons intending to reside in Pennsylvania were deemed free persons; stated persons possessed of children liable to serve till twenty-eight years old were required to make entry thereof with the clerk on or before April 1, 1789 or within six months after the birth of such a child; provided slaves or servants who were husband and wife, were not to be separated, nor were they to be separated from their children; and severe penalties were provided for forcibly moving a slave or servant residing in Pennsylvania from the jurisdiction of the State.[9]

As can be seen from the passage of these Acts by the Pennsylvania General Assembly, the abolition of slavery within the bounds of Pennsylvania was certain and the Virginians living within the State, if they were to retain ownership of their slaves, would have to move to regions more agreeable to the institution of slavery. Many of those who were residents of Washington County prior to 1792 owned slaves, and without doubt, most likely moved to Kentucky to retain ownership. Others, perhaps with more investment in the land than slaves, continued to live in Pennsylvania.

Summary

As the above discussion has revealed, families who moved to the tributaries of the Salt River from Washington County, Pennsylvania most likely did for all of the reasons cited above. Some were already present in the region by 1785. For example, Isaac Cox, David Cox, Benjamin Cox, and Joseph Cox were all issued certificates of settlement and preemption warrants on the same day, April 26, 1780. There brother, Gabriel Cox, continued to live in Washington County until about 1786. He first appears as a resident of Nelson County on the 1786 tithable list of his brother, David Cox. He reported having Negroes named Quash and Hannah. No record, as of this publication, has been found reporting Gabriel Cox received a certificate of settlement and preemption warrant from the Virginia Land Commissioners.

Public records suggest slavery would have been contradictory to the religious beliefs of these Stark families. Many Baptist congregations, as well as other religious denominations, from about 1780 and up to the Civil War split over the slavery issue. As will be demonstrated later, the initial moves by the Stark families into Indiana were just across the Ohio River from where they were living in Kentucky; a distance of only 30 to 50 miles. Perhaps their move into Indiana was prompted because they were emancipationist.

____________

Sources & Footnotes

  1. Boyd Crumrine, History of Washington County, Pennsylvania with Biographical Sketches of many of its Pioneers and Prominent Men.(Philadelphia L. H. Everts and Co., 1882), page 192.

  2. Ibid. Pages 193 & 194.

  3. Ibid. Page 195.

  4. C. Hale Sipe, The Indian Wars of Pennsylvania An Account of the Indian Events, in Pennsylvania, of the French and Indian War, Pontiac's War, Lord Dunmore's War, the Revolutionary War and the Indian Uprising from 1789 to 1795. (2nd Edition. Originally published Butler, Pennsylvania, 1931. Reprinted by Wennawoods Publishing Apollo, Pennsylvania, 2000) pages 635-636.

  5. Crumrine, History of Washington County, pages 238 & 239.

  6. Web Site <http//sos.ky.gov/land/>. Kentucky Land Office Web Site.

  7. David Hall, Colonel Isaac Cox Moves West. (Published Kentucky Standard, 1985).

  8. Source 1: Alexander S. Withers, Chronicles of Border Warfare, or A History of the Settlement by the Whites, of North-Western Virginia and of the Indiana Wars and Massacres, In that Section of the State; with Reflections, Anecdotes, &c. (Published by Joseph Israel, Clarksburg, Virginia, 1831), pages 141-144. Source 2: Withers, edited and Annotated by Reuben Gold, Chronicles of Border Warfare… (New Edition, Originally published by The Robert Clarke Company, Cincinnati, Ohio, 1895. Reprinted by the McClain Printing Company, Parsons, West Virginia, 1961, 1970, 1975), pages 190-196.

  9. Crumrine, History of Washington County, pages 257 & 258.

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Copyright

Other than that work created by other acknowledged contributors or sources, the articles presented were authored and edited by Clovis LaFleur and the genealogical data presented in this publication was derived and compiled by  Pauline Stark Moore; Copyright © 2003. All rights are reserved. The use of any material on these pages by others will be discouraged if the named contributors, sources, or Clovis LaFleur & Pauline Stark Moore have not been acknowledged.

Disclaimer

This publication and the data presented is the work of Clovis LaFleur & Pauline Stark Moore. However, some of the content presented has been derived from the research and publicly available information of others and may not have been verified. You are responsible for the validation of all data and sources reported and should not presume the material presented is correct or complete.

 

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