Part 1: The First Generation in New England

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Chapter 2

The Life & Times of Aaron Stark [1608-1685]

Author's Introduction

Aaron Stark's name was first documented in New England on April 11, 1639, when he appeared before the Particular Court of Connecticut accused, along with two other men, of "unclean practices.” He subsequently appeared before the court twice more; in July of 1640 when he was accused of bestiality; and in April of 1643 (the accusation not reported in the court record). The charges brought by the court against Aaron on these three occasions have not reflected well on his character; indeed, they have been a source of embarrassment for many past and present Stark family genealogists. But other aspects of his life also need to be taken into account, for they provide a more complete and positive picture of this man who was the progenitor of so many American Starks. The work to follow will seek to present a full and balanced account of Aaron Stark and his times.

These charges prompted many early researchers to register some harsh judgments. James Savage, in his 1860 book on genealogy in New England before 1700, described Aaron as an "unpromising youth." R. R. Hinman, in his Catalogue of Names of the First Puritan Settlers, compiled and published in 1848, reported; "Starke, Aaron, Hartford, 1639 - (This case is inserted to show the extreme severity of their punishment for bastardy)..." Hinman quotes the charges and the punishment Aaron received in his first appearance before the court. Even worse, the reference to "bestiality" and the embarrassment it engendered caused Stark family researchers to suppress altogether Aaron's second appearance before the court: all we knew was that when the court met in April of 1643, it ordered Aaron to serve Captain Mason "during ye pleasure of ye Court."

Was young Aaron Stark a mean, unprincipled, or even dishonest man? Was he truly or wrongly accused? We know he was not an educated man, was not a Puritan, couldn't write his own name, and had no known skills (other than Indian fighting, perhaps). Despite his early troubles and these handicaps, he survived to the age of 77 in a hostile environment, became a land owner and farmer, became a husband and father, and earned the trust and respect of his neighbors and mentor, John Mason. Aaron may not have been a saint and possibly did have serious character flaws, but he certainly deserves to be known for more than these early records. Perhaps his spirit still roams Connecticut looking to gain understanding and respect, and perhaps our study will help him to do so.

The factual part of Aaron's life will be drawn from surviving documentation. Other aspects of his life will be based on reasoned speculation and what we can learn about the activities of other individuals with whom he no doubt associated. Most of the factual records to be presented in this narrative have been gleaned from the research of Pauline Stark Moore, Carolyn Smith, Donn Neal, and Gwen Boyer Bjorkman, all of whom also shared their own interpretations of Aaron Stark with me.

Historical Background Suggesting Aaron’s Old World Home

From their first arrival aboard the Mayflower in 1620, until 1629, only about 300 Puritans had survived in New England, scattered in small and isolated settlements. In 1630, their population was significantly increased when the ship Mary and John arrived in New England carrying 140 passengers from the English West Country counties of Dorset, Somerset, Devon and Cornwall. It was the first of the ships later called the Winthrop Fleet to land in Massachusetts.

While the passenger list related to this voyage is not well documented, we know the immigrants founded the First Parish Church of Dorchester in 1631, the place name of their new community taken from Dorchester, Devon County, England. In the 17th century this English town was at the center of the Puritan emigration to America, and the local rector, Rev. John White, was instrumental in organizing the voyage and supported the settlement of Dorchester, Massachusetts. For his efforts on behalf of Puritan dissenters, White has been called one of the unheralded founders of the Massachusetts Bay Colony.

In 1633, the Plymouth Trading Company established the first Connecticut settlement, a trading post at what would later become Dorchester, Connecticut in territory the Dutch claimed and in which they maintained a fort and trading post, about seven miles downriver in what was later Hartford, Connecticut. In 1635, Puritan and Congregationalist members of Reverend Warham’s and Reverend Maverick's congregation, including, John Mason, Roger Ludlow, Henry Wolcott, and others, all prominent settlers in the new community, became dissatisfied with the rate of Anglican reforms. They sought permission from the Massachusetts General Court to establish a new ecclesiastical society subject to their own rules and regulations. About 60 individuals, totaling 23 heads of households, undertook a two-week's journey about 100 miles to the west. They founded a new town they initially also named Dorchester. Later, on February 21, 1636, the Connecticut General Count changed the name of the settlement from Dorchester to Windsor, believed to be named after the city of Windsor, England located on the River Thames. The new town was the first English settlement in the now state of Connecticut. All of the above suggests Aaron could have been one of these immigrants arriving in New England during this early historical period. Therefore, it would seem reasonable to begin a search for Aaron’s old world home in the southern part of England between 1608 to 1637 and his parents in the region before 1608.

Genetic observations provide credible evidence Aaron Stark may have been born south of the Thames River in England. Several of the earliest records of the surname Stark in this region of England were William Stark (1314) of Essex County and Rannulf  Stark (1222) of Suffolk County. The Genetic evidence further suggests Aaron's deep ancestral roots could be connected to the early Anglo, Saxon, and Frisian Germanic Tribes that invaded England between 600AD and 800AD. However, the search for Aaron's Ancestral home continues.[1a]

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Aaron's Early Years

We know almost nothing about Aaron's early years, for there are no records to tell us where he was born, what he was doing during his early years, and where he was living before the 1630s. On June 11, 1673, Aaron gave a deposition recorded in the Stonington Town Records, which gave his age as sixty-five “or there abouts” providing us with the clue that his year of birth was about 1608.[1] As there is no documented evidence of Aaron’s arrival in New England, we cannot state with absolute certainty when he came to America, although some earlier researchers speculate his migration to have been as early as 1627 or 1629.[2]

There is no definite information about the parents and origins of Aaron Stark [1608-1685]. (Some researchers have mistakenly concluded that he was the son of an earlier Aaron Stark and Mary Holt, but the facts do not support this.) In addition, an early (1848) publication sparked speculation that Aaron's father might be a Henry Stark who willed a clock to the church in Hartford in 1640, but an analysis of the records of that period seems to indicate that this man was actually named Henry Packs or Park.[3]

In England or Scotland, his apparent homeland, Aaron may have been expelled for political, religious, or criminal reasons; alternatively, he might have paid for his passage to New England by becoming an indentured or bonded servant. Based on what we know about Aaron’s military activities in Connecticut, it seems more likely that he was a Scottish mercenary soldier who came to New England with John Mason, who some historians contend, served in the Netherlands alongside Sir Thomas Fairfax under Sir Horace Vere at the decisive siege of Bois-le-Duc from April to August of 1630.[4]

Mason's arrival in New England also is not certain, but he is documented as the Lieutenant Mason who served under John Gallop in December of 1632. Gallop was commissioned by the Governor and Magistrates of Massachusetts to search for the pirate called Dixy Bull.[5] Perhaps Mason was engaged by the Massachusetts Bay Colony to come to New England to protect the colony’s interests. Because Aaron had a very close relationship with Mason in Connecticut, it's conceivable Aaron, being young and adventurous, had volunteered to serve in the Netherlands and subsequently came to New England with Mason after the siege at Bois-le-Duc: we know that some of these troops, especially those from Scotland, became mercenaries after Horace Vere returned to England in 1632.

By March of 1635, Mason was the representative from Dorchester to the Massachusetts General Court. Later in that year or early in the next year, he moved to the settlement which became known as Windsor, Connecticut, and was a member of Rev. John Warham's congregation in Dorchester.[5] Warham, a minister at Exeter, Devon, England, with Rev. John Maverick, had sailed from Plymouth, England on March 20, 1630, aboard the Mary and John with about 60 members of his newly formed Congregational Church. In addition to the two ministers, the passengers selected for passage were two magistrates of the Massachusetts Bay Company, several older men with adult families, and a group of single or just married men, some chosen for their military experience. It seems possible, at least, that Aaron Stark was among these single men.

The Pequot Nation, Connecticut’s principal community of Native Americans, became increasingly hostile towards the new settlers from the north. On May 1, 1637, after several attacks by the Pequot, the 9th Session of the General Court of Connecticut decided to undertake an offensive war against them. The court appointed Captain Mason commander of a force of ninety men, drawn from the settlements of Wethersfield (18 men), Windsor (30 men), and Hartford (42 men). We know from later records that Aaron Stark was a participant in this war, and also that he had a close relationship with Mason, so it seems very likely that he was one of the soldiers recruited from one of these three towns.[1,7] Mason later wrote A Brief History of the Pequot War, which was published in 1736. This narrative collaborates the statements in Aaron Stark's 1673 deposition, which asserts that he participated in Mason’s attack on the Pequot camp, and is our primary source for the events of the Pequot War, to which we turn next.

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Author's Introduction to the Pequot War

Was our ancestor, Aaron Stark, a participant in the Pequot War? The following personal testimony, given in 1673, would suggest that he was:

"The Testimony of Aron Starke Aged Sixtie five yeares or there Abouts testifieth and sayth that we being souldiers under Capt: John Mason with many more when wee went Agaynst the Pequitts Indeans wee being Landed in the Naragansett Country where many of the Naragansetts Came Armed and tendered themselves to goe with us in that Cervise Agaynst the Pequitts wherein they was Redily Accepted And marched with us through part of the Naragansett Country until they Came within four or five miles of Pawcatuck River where wee made A halt: where Nenecraft And Miantinomye with many others did declare unto our Commanders that wee were come into the Pequitt Country And therefore did Advise them to bee verie Carefull of themselves Least they Should be destroyed. Aron Stark And Jacob Waterhouse Appeared this 11^th of June 1673 and made oath to what is Above written before me John Allyn Justice. The Above written deposition was entered in Stonington Records April the 25: 1699 Pr me John Stanton Town Clarke." {Stonington, New London County, Connecticut Deeds 1664-1714, Book 2, page 280, June 11, 1673. LDS Microfilm Film #5593, transcribed by Gwen Boyer Bjorkman.}

John Mason’s account, A Brief History of the Pequot War, describes several events that would seem to bear on this issue.

Clovis LaFleur

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Excerpt from Reverend Mr. Thomas Prince’s Introduction dated December 23, 1735 in Boston: “I have only now to observe, that in The Relation of the Troubles which happened to New England by the Indians from 1614 to 1675, Published by the then Mr. Increase Mather in 1677, I find a copy of the following Narrative, but without the prefaces, had been communicated to him by Mr. John Allyn then the Secretary of Connecticut Colony; which that Rev. Author took for Mr. Allyn’s and calls it his. But we must inform the Reader, that the Narrative was originally drawn by Major Mason. And as his Eldest Grandson Capt. John Mason now of New London has put it into my Hands; I have been more than usually careful in Correcting the Press according to the Original; as the most authentic Account of the Pequot, and as a standing Monument both of the extraordinary Dangers and Courage of our pious Fathers, and of the eminent Appearance of Heaven to save them.”

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Appearances before the Particular Court of Connecticut

The first official document that shows Aaron Stark was living in New England, and within the jurisdiction of the Particular Court of Connecticut, was dated April 11, 1639. From this and two later documents we discover why Aaron’s character was later described by James Savage as "an unpromising youth, appearing before the court and punished by being whipped," for when Aaron appeared before the Particular Court on this date, he was accused of and convicted for engaging in certain "unclean practices."[8]

The record in question has five sentences, as follows:[9]

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"Mr. was an abbreviation for "Minister" not just a random designation of a male. The minister was elected by the congregation, and was literate, and a preacher. At this time, probably also schooled and educated as an ordained minister. He had a flock, and this was a theocracy (i.e. the church was the government)."

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On July 2, 1640, the Particular Court directed that: [11]

Here again we do not know whether this was a crime yet in Connecticut, as it became in Massachusetts a little more than a year later:

"In July 1640 Aaron Starke of Windsor was accused of buggering a heifer. A year earlier he had been whipped and fined, and the letter R was burned upon his cheek (for attempted rape?), for ``the wrong done to Mary Holt . . . and when both are fit for that Condition to marry her.'' Instead, a month or two later she was whipped and banished for ``vncleane practises'' with John Bennett. Starke was still single when accused of bestiality. He ``confesseth that he leaned crosse over the heifers Flanke, though at the first he denyed that he came neere her, lastly he acknowledgeth that he had twice committed the acte wth the heifer but that shee was to narrowe.'' The court ordered a constable to keep him ``wth locke and Chaine and hold him to hard labour & course diet'' until summoned to trial. Nicholas Sension, the lifelong homosexual, was fined for not appearing to testify at this trial. One has to wonder how intimate the relationship was between these two men. The records of the next several courts have not survived, but Stark was not executed. Connecticut had not yet declared bestiality a capital crime, and the court may also have concluded that his confession amounted to no more than admission of the attempt, not the act.^20"

Since (as Murrin points out) Aaron’s action, while distasteful to consider, was not yet a capital offense in Connecticut in 1640, his treatment by the Particular Court was measured and moderate, though we do not know exactly what it was. An interesting dimension of this matter is that Nicholas Senthion (Sension) was fined five pounds for not appearing as a witness. Murrin provides one possible explanation, which may or may not be correct. Although the text of the court record implies the accusation against Aaron was based on the act being witnessed by Nicholas Sension, we know nothing of his motives, and we do not know if Sension’s testimony was voluntary or forced. It was not uncommon for false accusations to be made against persons by those with a vindictive spirit, especially individuals lower in station in the community than themselves. Perhaps, either because Aaron had rejected his advances or in order to preserve his own reputation, Sension falsely accused Aaron and later decided not to testify because he knew that Aaron was innocent. Perhaps Sension’s testimony had been obtained by coercion and he later declined to testify, despite the penalty.

Whatever the facts of the matter, this case closed in an uncertain manner, but the very subject matter of the accusation led to its virtual disappearance from the Stark family history.

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On April 6, 1643, though, Aaron was back before the Court. This time the court record states: "Aron Starke is aiudged to be whiped at Winsor tomorrow, & then to serve Captaine Mason during ye pleasure of ye Court."[13] The record also shows that Mason was present in court that day. By now, Aaron was at risk of being banished altogether. Circumstantial evidence suggests that Mason, acquainted with Stark and held responsible for the safety of the Connecticut settlements, intervened in Aaron's behalf — probably because he could not afford the loss of a single fighting man, and perhaps because he saw some redeeming qualities in Stark. It may be that Mason (or one of the members of the court) suggested that Aaron be directed to serve the Captain for an indefinite period of time. The gamble paid off, and this remedy ensured that Aaron's days of getting into trouble would come to an end.

Thus this brief period in Aaron's life, with its three court appearances — all of them for actions that do not reflect positively upon his character and moral behavior, helps to explain why so many researchers over the years depicted him in a negative manner. He may well have been an unsavory person, though there is hardly enough evidence to establish that point, but there is another way to look at what we have seen. The later behavior of Mary Holt and Nicholas Sension suggests that Aaron could have been guilty of associating with the wrong people, who led him astray until he found a strong and moral mentor in John Mason. It does seem noteworthy that after the last of these three appearances before the Particular Court, Aaron had no further charges brought against him, either because he realized the errors of his way or because Mason straightened him out. As we will learn, he became a trustworthy servant of John Mason and a solid citizen, and in the end this fact seems more significant than these youthful indiscretions that blackened his reputation for so many years.

Author’s Comment: As we have seen, Captain John Mason [ca.1600-1672] of Connecticut was a key figure in the life of Aaron Stark. There were two men by that name and rank who were prominent in New England history, and it is important not to confuse the Captain John Mason [1585-1635] of New Hampshire fame with the man we are discussing here.[14]

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Aaron Stark, Tenant Farmer on the John Mason Stonington Land Grant

"With the residence of Capt. Mason at Windsor, all the stirring scenes of the Pequot war are connected…{description of Mason’s exploits during the Pequot war}… The skill, prudence, firmness and active courage displayed by Mason in this exploit, were such as to gain him a high standing among military commanders. From this period he became renowned as an Indian fighter, and stood forth a buckler of defense to the exposed colonists, but a trembling and a terror to the wild people of the wilderness.

In 1637, he was appointed by the General Court the chief military officer of the colony, his duty being "to train the military men" of the several plantations ten days in every year: salary, forty pounds per annum.* ["The saide Capt. Mason shall have liberty to traine the saide military men in every planation tenn days in every yeare, see as it be not in June or july." Conn. Col. Rec., 1, 15.] At the later period, (1654), he was authorized to assemble all the train-bands of the colony one in two years for a general review. The office was equivalent to that of Major-General. He retained it through the remainder of his life, thirty-five years, and during that time appears to have been the only person in the colony with the rank and title of Major.When the Fort at Saybrook was transferred by Col. Fenwick to the jurisdiction of the colony, Mason was appointed to receive the investment, and at the special request of the inhabitants he removed to that place and was made commander of the station. Here he had his home for the next twelve years.

The people of New Haven were not entirely satisfied with their location, and formed a design of removing to a tract of land which they had purchased on the Delaware River. In 1651 they proposed this matter to Capt. Mason, urgently requesting him to remove with them and take the management of the company. This invitation is a proof of the high opinion his contemporaries had formed both of his civil and military talents. The offers they made him were liberal, and he was on the point of accepting, when the Legislature of Connecticut interfered, entreating him not to leave the colony, and declaring that they could by no means consent to his removal. Finding that his presence was considered essential to the safety of Connecticut, he declined the offers of New Haven. If he went there was no one left who could make his place good; neither had New Haven any person in reserve who could fill the station designed for him, and therefore the projected settlement never took place. The active disposition of MASON, however, never lacked employment. There was scarcely a year in which he was not obliged to go on some expedition among the Indian tribes to negotiate, or to fight, or to pacify their mutual quarrels. At one time his faithful friend Uncas was in danger from a powerful league of the other tribes, but the seasonable preparations of MASON for his relief frightened the foe into peace and submission. At another time he was sent with arms and men to the assistance of the Long Island Indiana against Ninigrate, the powerful sachem of the Nahanticks, who threatened them with extirpation. This service he gallantly performed, but only two years afterwards was compelled to appear again on that island with a band of soldiers, in order to chastise the very Indians, mischievous and ungrateful, whom he had before relieved."

Without documentary evidence we cannot prove that Aaron was himself involved in any of Mason’s activities during these years, but because he was sentenced to serve Mason personally – and because we know Aaron was a soldier in the Pequot War – we are probably correct in drawing two conclusions. The first is he would have remained physically close to Mason, moving when and where his master and/or landlord did. The second is that Aaron most likely would have been a member of any fighting force that Mason collected and employed during the decade from 1643 to 1653. Further discussion of Mason’s movements and activities are thus relevant here.

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According to Caulkins, Mason's first three children (Priscilla, Samuel, and John) were born in Windsor, where Aaron was serving. Caulkins described John Mason as "stern and unrelenting in the execution of justice, and as a magistrate and commander, dictatorial and self-reliant."[15] About 1646, Saybrook Fort was transferred to the control of Connecticut and, as Caulkins stated, Mason moved to Saybrook, where he remained for the next twelve years. The Particular Court of Connecticut ordered Mason to take command of Saybrook Fort June 2, 1647.[16]

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On October 15, 1663, Sarah apparently gave birth to a child who died on this day, as Minor recorded the child’s death.[24] Since neither the name nor sex of the child was given, we presume this child was an infant who was never named. On May 13, 1664, Thomas Minor reports in his diary that a beech tree that marked a boundary between the Minor and Mason properties had been destroyed by fire, perhaps by a lightning strike.[24] Minor, Robert Hempstead, and Captain Denison had been witnesses to the setting of this mark when the property was originally laid out for Mason. Minor called upon Aaron Stark, Sr., and John Gallop, Sr., to go with him as witnesses that the tree had been destroyed and to assist in resetting the boundary with another mark. This entry concludes those in Minor’s diary that mention Aaron’s specific activities, but several more in 1663 and 1664, though difficult to comprehend, may reflect the fact that Aaron’s position in the community was changing.

On July 6, 1663, a Captain Morrice was reported to be a "prisoner at Aaron’s," which suggests that Aaron had been given some official responsibility involving enforcement of the laws. In August, the diary has another entry, which has been transcribed as follows: "On August 21st, Aaron Stark told us that about five weeks before, Captain Denison said it (??) did not matter, all though I (Thomas Minor) did argue I might do what I could for Tagwouncke (Minor‘s name for his property). I (Thomas) could not tolerate it for it was the Coledges land. It was about the 15th or 16th of July this was spoken of to Jo Fish and Aaron Stark at the Morgans." Whatever "it" is in this passage, clearly Minor and Stark are now more like equals than they were before, when the latter was merely Mason’s servant. Evidently the matter was unsettling to Minor, for he seems to feel uneasy about either the outcome or perhaps some event that happened in July.[24] Then, in 1664, exact date unknown, Minor writes another unclear entry, which would seem to read as follows: "The choice was made before Goodman Cheesebrough challeged Mr. Stanton to make good his promise to go with him ?while? another showed it afterward and Aaron foretold it 7 days earlier."[24] The general topic evidently was the dispute over jurisdiction of the region east of the Mystic River, but the reference to Aaron’s having "foretold it" puzzles Stark researchers: did Aaron make a prediction about the matter, or did he have some advance word about the outcome and tip off his friends?

This dispute came about because the General Court of Connecticut claimed jurisdiction to the Pawcatuck River (present day border with Rhode Island). Massachusetts questioned this claim, which was then referred to the Commissioners of the United Colonies for a decision. While awaiting the decision, the planters in the region were advised "to carry themselves & order their affaires peaceably, and by common agreement." On June 30, 1658, a local government was formed and a constitution was prepared titled "The Association of Poquatuck People." Those signing the document were: William Chesebrough and his three sons, Samuel, Nathaniel, and Elisha; Thomas Stanton and his son Thomas; Walter Palmer (father-in-law of Thomas Minor) and his two sons, Elihu and Moses; George Denison; and Thomas Shaw.

Three months later the Commissioners of the United Colonies decided that the territory in dispute belonged to Massachusetts, and the General Court of that colony named it "Southertown" and placed it under the jurisdiction of Suffolk County. It remained a township of Massachusetts until the Charter of Connecticut issued by King Charles II (dated April 25, 1662) fixed the eastern boundary of Connecticut at the Pawcatuck River. The return of the region to the jurisdiction of Connecticut was not acceptable to some of the planters, who were unwilling to acknowledge the change in jurisdiction. In 1664, however, they united in choosing William Chesebrough as their first representative to the General Court of Connecticut. With much effort and considerable delay, he was successful in resolving the disturbed relations between the plantations east of the Mystic and the court. In 1665, the name of Southertown was changed to that of Mystic, and in the year following to Stonington.

Perhaps the passage in the Minor diary was related to these events. On October 13, 1664, the court record reported the reconciliation and acceptance of Connecticut’s jurisdiction by the plantations east of the Mystic River.[25]

"Mistick & Pawcatuck haueing by Mr. Cheesbrook petitioned this Court for their fauoure to pass by their offences, the Court haueing considered the same doe hereby declare that what irregularities or abusiue practices haue proceeded from them, whereby they haue seemed to offer contempt to the authority here established, it shall be forgiuen and baryed in perpetuall obliuion and forgetfuliness, and this to extend it selfe to all ye members of the aforesaid plantation, Captain Denison onely excepted, whoe hath neglected or refused to submitt himself peaceably to the order of the Councill of this Colony."

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That same day, October 13, 1664, the General Court of Connecticut acted in a way that would have a profound impact on Aaron Stark‘s future when it ruled:[25]

"Whereas, Mr. Wm. Thomson of New London, is remoueing himself from thence to Virginia, and is indebted by Bills the sume of Twenty nine pounds, seven shillings and fower pence, which Bill is in the hands of John Packer, This Court orders the Constable of New London to secure so much of the estate of Mr. Thomson in his hands, as it shall be apprized by indifferent men, and the sayd Constable is to keep it in his hands, till he hath order from this Court or the Court of Magistrates, to dispose of it to the right owner which is according to Mr. Thomsons tender to the Court of Magistrates, October 11, 1664."

About a month later, on November 5, 1664, Aaron Stark purchased the property of Rev. William Thompson, located in New London at the head of the Mystic on the west side of the river.[26]

The records show, however, that on March 22, 1663/64, Aaron had been granted 150 acres by the Townsmen of "Southertown."[27]

".....on the 22 of March 1664 (?March 22, 1663/64?), by the order of the town was Layed out one hundred and fiftie Acres of Land unto Aaron Stark of Southertown, as followeth The Length of it east & be South The cross line south & be west with a freshit running through it, with the medow belonging thereunto this sayd Land lieth neer the head of Thomas Parkes Land…"

Presuming this date to be correct, then Aaron received this land grant – from the township of "Southertown," it should be noted, a place that did not acknowledge the jurisdiction of Connecticut – about seven months before he purchased the Thompson property (a topic that will be discussed in more detail later). Did this reflect the fact that the earlier grant was ultimately considered invalid, or did Aaron simply pursue a better opportunity that came along afterwards?

Thompson had an interesting role in colonial Connecticut as a missionary to the Pequots. Charles R. Stark, in his publication entitled "Groton, Conn. 1705-1905," quoted Rev. Frederick Denison as follows:[28]

"At an early day a missionary was chosen to labor among them (the Indians). By invitation, we infer, from Capt. George Denison, the Rev. William Thompson, son of the Rev. William Thompson was engaged in 1657 by the court of commissioners, acting as agents for the; ‘Society for Propagating the Gospel in New England,’ and received a salary of ten pounds per annum for the first two years and twenty pounds per annum for the next two, after which the stipend was withheld for alleged ‘neglect.’ His residence was usually in New London but he ministered to the Pequots at Mystic and Pawcatuck…Owning to the intractable character of the Pequots and his own feeble health, Mr. Thompson left them and removed to Surrey County, Virginia, in 1663..."

Again, according to Stark:

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Aaron was granted fifty-acres located on the Pachaug River (Near Norwich) in October of 1670. In the public record will be found a May 8, 1679 court entry mentioning this land grant:[29]

"This Court appoints Mr. Tho: Tracy and Mr. Tho: Lefingwell to lay out to Mr. Amos Riches on a former grant of land to him according to his grant and to Aron Start and to James Rogers or theire assignest theire grants of land according to their respective grants."

Aaron’s fifty-acres and the fifty-acres granted to James Rogers, apparently adjacent to Aaron’s property, were laid out in one piece for Thomas Parke (Senior) May 28, 1679.[29] The surveys must have been ordered in preparation for the sale of these two fifty-acre tracts to Thomas Parke. These grants were located within the boundary of New London County and Aaron's was probably awarded to him by the County (his place of residence in October of 1670). This was Aaron Stark’s last known property transaction.

On May 10, 1666, the Connecticut Court announced their approval of men who were to become freemen. The record states: "And to these of Stonington (approved to become freemen); — Nehe: Palmer, Tho: Shaw, Thomas Stanton Junr, John Stanton, Moses Palmer, Benjam: Palmer, Gershom Palmer, Ephraim Minor, Joseph Minor, Aaron Start, James York Senr, Mr. Noice, Nathll Chesborough, Elisha Chesborough. Mr. Thomas Stanton is to administer the fremns oath to those, and ye oath of Fidelity to such in Stonington as haue not taken it."[30]

Why had it taken so long for Aaron to become a freeman? Sydney E. Ahlstrom, in discussing the experience of a group of Connecticut settlers, points out that "Once established, the Connecticut colony did not categorically require freemen to be church members."[31] The Connecticut Colony did have certain other requirements, though. At its March 9, 1658/59, meeting, the Connecticut court ordered: "that for the future it shalbe presented to be made freemen in this Jurisdiction, or haue the priuilidge of freedome conferd vpon them, vntil they haue fulfild the age of twenty one years and haue 30£. Of personal estate, or haue borne office in the Como wealth; such persons qualified as before, and being men of an honest and peaceable conversation, shalbe presented in an orderly way at the General Court in October, yearly, to prevent tumult and trouble at the Court Election."[32]

At this time, we know Aaron did not own real property and most likely did not have a personal estate valued at 30£, so he would not have been eligible to become a freeman. On October 9, 1662, however, the court modified the requirements as follows: "This assembly doth order, that for ye future, such as desire to be admitted freeman of this Corporation shal prsent themselues with a certificate vnder ye maior part [170] of the Townesmen where they liue, that they are prsons of civill, peaceable and honest conversation, and that they attained the age of twenty one yeares and haue 20£. Estate, besides their person, in the List of estate; and that such persons, soe qualified to ye Courts approbation, shalbe presented at October Court yearly, or some adjourned Court, and admitted after ye Election at ye Assembly in May. And in case any freeman shal walke scandalously or commit any scandalous offence, and be legally convicted thereof, he shalbe disfranchised by any of or civill Courts."[33] But in 1662, Aaron still did not meet the property value of 20£.

Three years later, on April 20, 1665, the court made yet another revision to the requirements, which was presented to them as a proposition from "his Majesties Honourable Comrs," Sir Robert Carr, Colonel George Cartwright, and Samuel Maverick: "2d. Propos: That all men of competent estates and of ciuill conversation, though of different judgments, may be admitted to be freemen, and haue liberty to chuse or to be chosen officers, both military and civill. To the 2d, our order for admission of freemen is consonant wth that proposition." Proposition 1 required all inhabitant households to take the oath of allegiance in the name of the King and Proposition 3 stated: "That all persons of civill liues freely injoy the liberty of their consciences, and the worship of God in that way which they thinks best, provided that this liberty tend not to the disturbance of the publique, or to the hindrance of the mayntenance of ministers regularly chosen in each respective parish or township."[34]

By the date of this third change, Aaron Stark owned not only the 150 acres in Stonington but the Thompson property, which by itself was most likely worth more than the required 20£. Based on the procedure the 1662 revision laid out, Aaron Stark’s certificate of approval from the townsmen of Stonington must have been presented to the court at its meeting in October 1665, because he was officially designated a Freeman of Connecticut at its meeting on May 10, 1666. Hence, because a majority of the townsmen of Stonington considered Aaron worthy of becoming a freeman, he had finally earned the respect of his community and was considered to be one of the "prsons of civill, peaceable and honest conversation…"

Minor's diary had two more entries about Aaron before he moved to the Thompson property. One of them, in March 1665/66, states: "The tenth moneth is December … Thursday the 13 day mr Richerson came to my house to swear Aron Start."[35]

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Not long before Aaron was to become a freeman, he was involved in a brawl with Thomas Parke and John Gallop. Minor reports he was informed of this fight when he returned from a town meeting in New London on March 8, 1665/66, and that a hearing on the matter was scheduled for March 15. The swearing of Aaron presumably was connected with his providing testimony about the matter. Whatever the outcome of the incident, it did not interfere with Aaron’s elevation to freeman. The other entry is dated one year later, March 19, 1666/67. It mentions several persons, including Captain Denison, Aaron Stark, and "the Constable," then goes on to say that Minor delivered the "Warrant for the rate...." The rest of the entry is not known, but it suggests again that Aaron had attained some sort of official position, perhaps having to do with tax collection.[36]

Soon after Aaron became a freeman, Aaron and Sarah evidently moved to the Thompson property, within the jurisdiction of New London, for Aaron is on the minister's tax list at New London on December 2, 1667.[37] On October 14, 1669, he was accepted as a freeman in New London.[38] Aaron had not been on the New London minister's tax list in 1664, which supports the conclusion that he moved to New London from Stonington only after May 10, 1666, when the court approved his petition to become a freeman. Henceforth, he would reside in New London, and our next section will discuss his life there.

At the time Aaron and Sarah moved to New London, they still owned a land grant in Stonington; however, Aaron had not recorded its boundaries as originally laid out. On March 1, 1669/70, therefore, the Stonington town surveyors, Thomas Stanton and John Gallop, surveyed the property and entered the description in the town records. This was most likely done in anticipation of Aaron’s sale of the property to Robert Fleming of Stonington on September 26, 1670, in a transaction that was witnessed by Sarah Stark, presumably the wife of Aaron. The town records tell us that:[39]

(page 118)…upon the 22 of March 1664 Land Layed out for Aron Stark as Followeth beginning att a Black Oake in a Swamppie pond and so runeing east south east neerest in line Score? Rod to a stooping white oake and ? runeing south southeast nearest a hundred rod to a tree… out blacke Oake nohirh? was dead marked on ffouer sides and so runeing west north west norwest five ???? score? rod to a greate white oake tree marked on ffouer sides, and so winding north north east nearest a hundred rod to the affore said blacke oake in the swamp= pie pond, all nohirh? land above spesiffied amounteting to A hundred and fittie Ackers, highways excepted.

 

Tho. Stanton, John Gallop, Towne Sirvayors

 

For as much as Aron Start hath bin remis in not recording his paper of the boundaries of this land above mentioned, we have veiwed his bound markes and reained? them Exactly as they were then layed out and have recorded them againe for him as you may goe above only the day then if not layd out we cannot remember but re?? it to the Towne booke of records: this first of March 1669/70 the day ?hen this was first Layd out is as above written the 22 of March 1664: as apeares in the second leafe of the Towne booke Tho. Stanton John Gallop his wart of land above written was Recorded the 13th of July 1670 Pr me Thomas Minor Recorder.

With this survey in place, Aaron could then sell the property, as the following deed documents:[39]

"(Page 123) Know all men by these presents that I Aron Starke of New London heare by sell ------ Allinate pass away and make over unto Robert Flemen of Stoneington my whole right in my tract of Land in Stoneington ------- tract of Land being one hundred and fifty ackers as according to grant and bounded as in the Records in the booke of Records in Stoneington the said Tract of Land with all Privledges appurtenances belongeing there unto and binde my selfe, heiers, & Excutors, Administrators, assignes that the sayd Robert Flemen he his heiers Executors, Administrators, Assigns shall quietly and peaceably Improve, poses and Injoy the sayd bargained premises with out molestation from me or any other maner of person or persons whatsoever as Desposting Title unto whith deed of sale & sett to my hand and subscribe in the day and yeare as followeth September the 26 1670.

 

Signed: The marke of Aron A Starke.

Witness: John Fish, Sarah Starke S her marke

 

This deed was owned and delivered by these (to) Mr. Thomas Minor Comr. (Commissioner) 21 November 1670. Sealed and delivered In the Prsense of the witnesses. A testing This deed above written was Recorded the 22: Day of November: 1670: Pr me Thomas Minor, Recorder."

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The New London property Aaron purchased from Reverend William Thompson was located west of present day Old Mystic, Connecticut. The transaction transferred four parcels of land from Thompson to Aaron. The first parcel contained 200 acres; the second, well-described in the deed, was 100 acres; the third consisted of meadow, extent undetermined, but perhaps also 200 acres; and the fourth parcel was 10 acres. The first three of these were apparently adjacent to each other.

The deed conveying the land to Aaron Stark reads as follows:[40]

Know all men by these preasents That I William Thomson Late of New London in the Jurisdiction of Conecticot Minister upon serious Good and valluable consideration sell Alienate pass and make over unto Aaron Starke of Mistick these following parcells of upland and meadows as in this Deed exprest. Viz

Two hundred ackers of upland upon the westward of Culvers Land and upon the westward of Mistick River toward the head of it as given me and bounded out by the measurers and as it is upon record.

Also on the great hill towardes Mistick one hundred Ackers of upland more or less on the north of Land Laide out to Mr. Thomson two hundred rod from a marked oake in a bottom at the head of a parcell of meadowe laid out to James Avery to a Chestnut tree marked on the east side of the hill and from the eastward marked tree westward to a small marked oake by a small rock wth a stone upon it, more or less eighty rod for the breadth and at the other end on the same Lyne from the oak aforesaid to a Chestnut tree on the side of a ledg of rocks in sight of the aforesaid meadowe the same breadth, Also a parcell of meadowe that I bought of James Avery commonly called by the name of the pond, being a pond and a run of water in the midst of it this parcell be it more or less, Also Ten Ackers of meadow if it be to be had that was given me by the Towne of New London neere to my farme not hindring former Grants, And for a more full confermation heareof I the aforesaid William Thomson, doe, for myselfe my Heires Executors Administrators and Assignes Covenant promise and Grant to and wth the aforesaid Aron Starke his Heires Executors Administrators and Assignes to have and to hould all the aforesaid upland and meadowe according to the foregoing premises with all the priviledges and Appurtenances thereto belonging formerly and also to us Dispose Improve posess and Injoy the same wthout let hindrance trouble molestation or obligation of me the said William Thomson or of any other person or psons whatsoeaver by from or through any meanes of me or my me or any under us for performance heareof I set to my hand the 5th of November 1664;

Witness: Obadiah Bruen, William Thomson, James Morgan his marke;

Know all men by these preasents that I William Thomson Doe give full powre unto James Morgan to give unto Aaron Starke full posesion of yt land and meadowe above mentioned and what he doth shall be eavery way as sufficient as if I myselfe had Done it as witness my hand this 5th November 1664; Signed William Thomson ; All above is Drawne out according to the Deed returned per me Obadiah Bruen Recorder.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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From Thompson’s earlier acquisitions we learn more about what would become Aaron’s home for the remainder of his life. Thompson had been granted two hundred acres in December 1658, and this was the first parcel of land the 1664 deed mentions. It was described as being westward of Culver's land, which placed it west of the Mystic River and near the head waters of that river:[41]

"200 ackers of upland upon the westward of Culvers land wch is upon the westward of Mistick river towardes the head of it, bounded wth and to runn from a tree marked upon a ledg of rockes west and by nore the breadth of the land to a Chesnut tree marked by great rock and from thence south and by west to a black oacke marked by a swomp side, and from theance to runn east and by south to another tree marked and from thence to runn north and by east to the first bound marke runing also upon this north and by east lyne to the river wch river west and by nore boundes the bredth of the land...."

The second parcel of land, which had been given to Thompson, was briefly described in the New London Town Records in December 1658, as follows:[41]

"Mr. Thomson as under Mr. Tinkers hand Hath given him on the Great hill toward Mistick one hundred acker of upland on the norward of (large space) runing the full length of his land more or less 200 (small space) from a marked oake in a bottom at the (small space) out to James Avery to a marked chesnut tree (large space) the east side of the hill and from the east etc."

• The southeast corner of this 100 acres is marked by a oak tree in a bottom at the head of a parcel of meadow laid out to James Avery.

• The line runs north from an oak 200 rods (1,100 yds.) to a chestnut tree, marked, on the east side of the hill. This would be the northeast corner of this 100 acres.

• The line runs westward from the chestnut tree 80 rods (440 yds.) to small oak, marked, located by a small rock with a stone on it. This would be the northwest corner of this 100 acres.

• The line runs west, 80 rods (440 yds.), from the oak tree in (a), the southeast corner of the property, to a chestnut tree growing on the side of a ledge of rocks in sight of James Avery’s meadow. This includes the area commonly called by the name of "The Pond," being a pond with a stream running through it. This is the southwest corner of the 100 acres. The ledge of rocks described in this deed could be the same ledge mentioned in the earlier deed for 200 acres, but could actually be a different ledge located east of this property.

Thompson also purchased from Avery the third parcel of land, then subsequently sold it to Aaron Stark. The relevant deed, found in the New London land records and dated November 1, 1664, states:[43]

"James Avery to Mr. Will. Thomson a parcel of meadow commonly knowne by the name of the pond, being a pond and a run of water in the midst of it--bound on the east wth land wch the Towne gave James Rogers wthin two myles of Mistick and on the north wth great Rocky hills, on the west wth the Common, south wth the common. Nov. 1, 1664."

These three parcels of land came to more than 300 acres in all, but there was a fourth parcel of land that Thompson sold to Aaron at the same time. This consisted of 10 acres that Thompson had received as a gift from Richard Blinman on April 11, 1659. The location of this property relative to the first three parcels of land is not known. The deed for this small parcel, found in the New London Land Records, Book Reversed, states:[43]

"Loveing freind Mr. Tomson I was told by brother Parker formerlly to tender a small gift to you viz, a peece of swomp wch was given mee for a woodlot; lying towardes the west of Will Comstocks hills wch if you please to accept of as a token of my love, I doe hereby give, and confirme it to you, and yor Heires forever, to have hold use, and enjoy, wthout any let or molestation from me or myne and if you please let it be recorded in the Towne booke, John Stibben is to have away through it to his land ther; you will see the boundes of it in the Towne booke, and John Stibbens can shew them. New Haven Your loving freind, April 11th 1659, Richard Blinman."

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Aaron and Sarah's second daughter, Elizabeth Stark, was probably born on this New London property between 1667 and 1673. (The latest year of her birth would have been about 1673, based on her marriage to Micah Lambert on April 19, 1688.) Anna Stark, probably Aaron and Sarah’s youngest daughter, married William Read on May 4, 1699, in Norwich, Connecticut, and she too would have been born on this land.[44] We get another perspective on Aaron Stark’s land from Caulkins’s "History of New London, Connecticut," which states:[45]

"The swamps around New London were infested to an unusual degree with these perilous animals (wolves). After 1667, the bounty was sixteen shillings... In 1673, this bounty was claimed by ... Aaron STARKE, two; making nineteen howling tenants of the forest destroyed within the limits of the town that year. The havoc made by wild beasts was a great drawback on the wool-growing interest which was then of more importance to the farmers than at the present day."

More Indian Troubles 

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Edmund Randolph, an agent for the crown, estimated that 600 settlers and 3,000 Indians were killed in the almost two-year war; more than half of the 90 settlements in the region were attacked, and a dozen of them were destroyed; whole Indian villages were massacred and entire tribes lost many of their members; and most of those Indians who survived fled westward and northward. Except for the northern part of the Connecticut Valley, the villages of Connecticut were spared from the Indian attacks — although their men did participate with the other colonies in the war effort. Thereafter, the settlers were free to expand without fear into the former Indian lands all across southern New England.Aaron Stark would not see that expansion. An entry in the New London County records for June 3, 1685, informs us that:[48]

"The inventory of the Estate of Aaron Stark, deceased, being exhibited in Court was proved and ordered to be recorded. The last will and testament of Aaron Stark, being exhibited in Court, was proved, approved and ordered to be recorded. Aron Stark, John Stark, and William Stark, sons to Aron Stark, Sr., deceased, appearing in Court and did declare and desire Capt. Samuel Mason might divide the lands left there by their father, and bound the same between them."

Thus we know that Aaron Stark died sometime before June 2, 1685. His New London property was divided among his three sons, Aaron (Junior), John, and William. Another son of John Mason, Capt. Samuel Mason, was asked to assist in the division of Aaron’s estate. William Stark later (1716) sold a portion of his inheritance to the First Baptist Church of Groton, Connecticut. A portion of it measuring one and one-half acres was set aside for a family burying ground — which was probably already in use before 1716. Here William would later be buried, along with many other members of the Stark family. The many unmarked grave sites in this cemetery may include Aaron's resting place, and perhaps Sarah's as well.

As we have seen, Sarah Stark evidently survived Aaron. What happened to her? Did she remarry? She would have been in her 40s when Aaron died leaving her with two underage daughters. Elizabeth and Anna later married and settled in Lisbon and Preston in the area around Norwich where John Mason lived during his later years. Perhaps Sarah moved to that region to be near her family, for they may have still been part of Mason‘s household or followed Mason to Norwich. Because there is no evidence informing us what happened to Sarah, we are left with speculation.

In the 1937 Stark Family Association Yearbook, Helen Stark wrote an article entitled "More Theories and Some Questions." On the subject of Sarah, she had this to say:

1. Who was "widow" Stark?

January 27, 1696-7 Widow Stark owned land in present Groton, Conn., bounded east by that of Peter Crary, south by that of Joseph Rogers, and west by that of William Stark, formerly William Thompson. (Private Controversies, at State Library, Hartford.)

In 1708 Samuel Rogers sold this land to his son-in-law Theophilas Stanton. It was still bounded east by Crary, south by heirs of Joseph Rogers, west by William Stark, his northwest corner being Stark's northeast one. Where did Samuel Rogers get this land during this eleven-year period? I found no widow or any other Stark recorded as selling it and I examined every Stark sale till about 1775. Was the sale simply not recorded, or did Rogers inherit it from Widow Stark2? [Mehitable Shaw, the wife of Aaron Stark, Jr.] Or what seems more probable, did the widow remarry and sell the land under her new name or have her new husband do so? It should not be difficult to trace back from Rogers for that short period and if we can find the one who obtained it immediately after January 27, 1696-7, and from whom, it may be the key to the identity of this widow. Whose widow was she? No grandchildren of Aaron1 could have had a widow so early. [Aaron Stark, Sr.] Of his sons, William was living, John dead, but his widow had married John Weeks and had at least two Weeks children by that date. [William Stark, Sr. and Elizabeth Packer, widow of John Stark who then married John Weeks.] And especially since John Weeks was also a Groton man she would hardly be called "Widow Stark," then that leaves Aaron1 or Aaron2.

We don't know when Aaron2 died, so she may have been his widow, but supposedly the bounds between the property inherited from their father by Aaron2 and William are on record (Groton Deeds) and the Aaron2 property lay to the southeast of William's. I should not suppose from the description that it went any where near his northeast corner. If this widow is widow of Aaron1 any information about her is of the greatest importance to all of the Aaron Stark line surely, while if she is Mehitable (Shaw) Stark it is very important too. (Groton Deeds)

From later research, it appears Aaron Stark (Junior) died before 1701. He may have been deceased before January 27, 1696/97, but this is not known with certainty. The author has not seen an abstract or copy of this deed but believes Helen Stark was aware of such a document in 1937. The high probability that Aaron Stark (Junior) lived in Groton before his death would further suggest that "Widow Stark" could have been his wife (Mehitable Shaw). Until further proof can be found, the "Widow Stark" will remain a mystery, and so will the fate of Aaron’s widow, Sarah.

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