The evidence linking Asahel Stark to his father, Christopher Stark, Jr., and brothers, William, Nathan, and John, has been found to be circumstantial and primarily dependant on Revolutionary War Records from New York which were carefully researched by Stark family researcher, Sharon Reck. Her sources of material on these individuals, which supports the theory they were children of Christopher Stark, Jr., comes from New York State Revolutionary War Pay Vouchers, Pension Applications, and the 1904 publication, "New York In the Revolution As Colony and State", compiled by the State Comptrollers Office.

To appreciate the importance of these military records, one must understand the organization of military forces in New York which were divided into three classifications. The "New York Line Regiments" were under the command of General Washington. Many regiments of artillery and an organization of "Green Mountain Boys" from Vermont were Line Regiments. The "New York Levies Regiments" consisted of men drafted from different militia regiments for a usual time duration of nine months and their members could be drafted from the population as well. These regiments and the men serving in them could be called outside the State of New York for the duration of there tour of duty. The "New York Militia Regiments" consisted of men prepared to be called to service when needed locally and then allowed to return home at the conclusion of the emergency. As the following will reveal, many men served in each of these military units and can be found serving in any one of the three classifications and even recorded several times as different individuals because they served in more than one of these classifications.

Each County was divided into districts and a Colonel was assigned as the Regimental Commander. These Commanders were given almost unlimited jurisdiction in all district military matters and required to see that every male between the ages of sixteen and fifty were enrolled and prepared for military service on a moments notice. [the upper limit raised to sixty later in the war] and could be fined or imprisoned if he was not prepared when “warned of a call to arms.” When called, the enlisted soldier was to present himself armed, with a blanket, powder-horn and flint, and sometimes with a tomahawk and all of the officers of the cities of New York, Albany, and Schenectady were fined twenty shillings for not wearing their swords during divine service.

Pay for military service was not always timely and not always in money. As late as 1784, the large majority of soldiers from New York still had not been paid for their services from 1776 through 1782. On April 27, 1784, the New York legislature passed "An act for the settlement of the pay of the Levies and Militia for their services in the late war." This New York State act provided that abstracts and pay-rolls of the different regiments and separate commands should be certified by the State auditor. Upon receipt of these accounts from the auditor, the State Treasurer was then required to issue certificates of indebtedness bearing five percent interest to persons due pay for their services in the war. From the years 1784 to 1786, our ancestors were issued these certificates, the content of which reveal the Regiments they served in and their possible family relationships.

In 1781, a bounty of "Land Rights" [a "Right" being 500 acres] was offered to officers and men of Militia Regiments which provided men for Line and Levies Regiments. By an act of April 1, 1778, each Militia Regiment was divided into "classes" of fifteen men each. When soldiers were needed for the Line Regiments, each class of men was to provide a man from their ranks fully armed and equipped to serve within nine days and if they were unable to select a man, their designated officer would then draft one of the fifteen by lot. An act passed March 11, 1780 divided every regiment into classes of 35 men and the process of choosing a man needed for the Line or Levies was much the same.

If a "class" furnished a man as the law required, it received a money bounty, sometimes as much as 80 pounds. However, as the war progressed and the needs of the government became more pressing, land "rights" were added to the money Bounty and on March 23, 1782 an act was passed providing any "class" or person who furnished an able-bodied man to serve "for three years or during the war" should be entitled to 600 acres, 350 acres for two years of service, and if any person or "Class" who delivered a man within twenty days from the time of notification, 200 acres extra. Therefore, many of our ancestors were granted "Land Bounty Rights" which have also revealed the Regiments and possible relationships they may have had during the Revolutionary War.

The Mohawk River Valley was the scene of many skirmishes between New York Regiments and British Loyalist and their Indian Allies. After the British captured New York City and Long Island early in the Revolutionary War, they developed a strategy to divide the Colonies by capturing the Hudson River Valley in 1777 but battles won by General John Stark of New Hampshire [No Relation to our family] at Saratoga, New York and Bennington, Vermont, changed the course of the War for both the British and the Colony of New York.

After the British were defeated by General Stark, they developed a plan to attack communities along the Colonial Frontiers, using Indian Allies and Tory Loyalist, which would pressure the Army of Washington to send his Line Regiments to the frontiers to protect the citizens. One of the first actions utilizing this strategy was the Wyoming Valley Massacre of July 3, 1778. In November, Tory Captain Walter Butler, brother of the notorious Tory Colonel John Butler who commanded the British forces at the Wyoming Valley Massacre, attacked communities in the Cherry Valley, located about 50 miles west of Albany, New York with similar results. These two incidents pressured the Continental Congress to take measures to protect citizens living on the Colonial frontiers. However, General Washington could not and did not immediately send troops to these regions. Their protection fell on the local Militia and more permanent Levies Regiments which would be called out many times over the course of the next four years. Our ancestors would be participants, especially those living in and around Albany County.

In the spring of 1779, steps were taken by the New York State Legislature to provide a force of one thousand men to protect the frontier. These men were drafted from the New York Militia Regiment "Classes" of fifteen men as defined by the April 1, 1778 act discussed above and they were to continue to serve until the following January and were provided the same pay and rations as the Continental army. While this force of men was being gathered, the Continental Congress, realizing the seriousness of the situation, decided to address the frontier problem and ordered General Washington to begin a campaign aimed at not only checking the raids, but that would bring total destruction and devastation on the raiders settlements and would capture or kill as many of the enemy as possible. This task was given to General Sullivan, who was to proceed with a Division of 2,500 men to the Wyoming Valley from Eastern Pennsylvania and attack north up the Susquehanna River. From the North, General James Clinton, brother of Governor George Clinton of New York, with a force of 1,600 men, was to proceed south down the Susquehanna River from Lake Otsego [located about 50 miles west of Albany, New York], joining up with Sullivan at Tioga Point.

General Clinton's men, under the direction of Henry Glen, began to prepare and assemble the 1600 man force at Schenectady, New York. Schenectady was chosen for the preparations rather than Canajoharie [Located on the Mohawk River just 15 miles from the North shore of Lake Otsego] because there were no storehouses at Canajoharie and further because it was felt that at Schenectady there would be less likelihood of there being an attack before the preparations were complete. On May 28th, General Clinton reported to Washington that a quantity of provision had been successfully collected and one hundred batteaux [Boats] assembled ready to be loaded on the shortest notice.¹ On June 15, General Clinton reported that the one hundred boats at Schenectady had been loaded and were already on their way up the Mohawk. "I have ordered one hundred more boats to be had in readiness immediately," continues the report, "as the Genl. has ordered me to embark all the Troops, and take no P. Horses."¹

Under the direction of the Schenectady County, New York Committee of Safety and under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Yates, many of the Schenectady militia and volunteers were employed in the embarkation of Clinton's brigade. Some of these men voluntarily accompanied the division on its march to join Sullivan, assisted in cutting the road through to Otsego Lake, and assisted in the erection of the dam necessary to transfer the batteaux to the Susquehanna River. Captain Garret Putman with a few men from the Third Battalion of the Tryon² County Militia joined General Clinton as volunteers under Colonel John Harper³ and shortly afterwards Captain Putman was appointed second in command of the volunteers. They were involved in all the skirmishes and the Battle of Newtown which was fought on August 29^th of 1779.

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In February of 1780, hostilities in the Mohawk Valley flared again when a small band of the enemy attacked German Flats, a settlement to the north of Palatine in March followed by a raid by Brant's men on Harperfield in April.

Although the raids only caused minor loss of life and property, they served to reinforced rumors larger raids were planned for the frontier regions. By May of 1780, depreciation of Continental currency was making it difficult to purchase supplies for the frontier garrisons and the settlers provisions were becoming low, making it difficult for the civilian and military troops living on the frontier. Many settlements were being abandoned causing Colonel Van Schaick to declare Schenectady would soon be the western frontier unless some speedy and effectual measures were taken to inspire the despondent people with confidence.³

On the morning of May 22, 1780, British troops commanded by Sir John Johnson struck on the Mohawk River at Tribes Hill⁴ with a large force of Indians and Loyalist. From Tribes Hill, he proceeded westward "burning the Houses and Barns of the Inhabitants and putting to Death every Male capable of bearing arms." "Collo. Fisher is mortally wounded," reported Colonel John Harper from Johnstown on the same day, "and his two brothers killed, [and] old Mr. Douw Fonda with seven others."⁵

The Schenectady Militia under Colonel Wemple "on the first alarm" began it's march to the area but was forced to turn back because of a lack of provisions. They then pulled back to Johnstown and joined the troops at Fort Hunter⁶ under the command of Colonel John Harper's Regiment of Levies and others under Colonel Volkert Vedder. This combined force of 450 men prepared to engage Sir John if he decided to press his attack further east towards Schenectady. Although Sir John' force outnumbered the American troops by two to one, he chose to withdraw to the safety of Canada, eluding troops sent to intercept him by Governor George Clinton. Many Tories had joined Sir John Johnson during his raid, and after his withdrawal, many small bands from Albany and Tryon counties left to join the enemy, many of whom began to assemble at Beaverdam, which was reported to the Schenectady Safety Committee on July 18, 1780. Militia troops were called to meet this threat, but the main body of these men were warned and they dispersed before they could be captured.

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Late in July of 1880, the British Commander, Joseph Brant, launched an attack against Fort Schuyler [also called Fort Stanwix] in an attempt to draw Militia forces away from Canajoharie [located 50 miles east of Fort Schuyler on the Mohawk River], which was the actual British objective. The British had advanced to a position near Canajoharie by moving up the Unadilla and Susquehanna Rivers and attacked August 2, 1780 as Brant withdrew from Fort Schuyler.

The Albany County Militia and Schenectady militia, who had turned out with cheerful promptness under orders previously given, had just gone into camp at Caughnawaga¹ opposite Mr. Frey's at about eleven o'clock on the morning of the second when they saw heavy smoke "between John Abeails and Fort Plank about four miles distant." In a dispatch to General Ten Broeck, Colonel Wemple reported "Instantly I did order both Regiments to be formed and proceed against the Enemy, who were at that time in their full Carear and tho our Numbers were not equal, yet I can assure you I should be void of Justice if I omitted mentioning their Prudence and cool behavior without Distinction to all Raneks. An altho they had been in full march since early in the morning they came up with such Vigor that the Enemy on our approach gave way & tho in sight we had no opportunity to give them Battle they retired in the usual way."² In another section of the report, Wemple wrote "Such a Scean as we beheld since we left the River, passing dead Bodies of Men & Children most cruelly murdered, is not possible to be described. I cannot ascertain at present the Number of poor Inhabitants killed and missing but believe the Loss considerable as the People were all at work in the Fields... Some Persons pretend to say not less than one hundred dwelling House are burnt."

On August 21, 1780 Colonel Goose Van Schaick, writing to General Washington from Albany, confirmed the details of the withdrawal of Brant from Fort Schuyler and of the attack on Canajoharie. "From thence," continued the letter, "they returned towards the Susquehanna, & in a few days after made a Descent on Schohary; here they burnt twelve Houses, & have by information taken and killed a larger number of the Inhabitants than at the former place, & it is expected the remainder of Schohary will share the same fate. The Indians are seen daily in small parties, & take prisoners & Scalps. Schenectady is threatened & the Inhabitants are moving their effects to Albany with all dispatch seeing no appearance of support, & numbers going off to the enemy daily."³

In England, Riverton's Royal Gazette told of the successful progress of the expedition. "The Indians have laid waste the whole country," reads its issue of September 23, 1780, "the Tory houses excepted, down to Schenectady, where some rebels are at work throwing up works to oppose the progress of the British troops and our Indian allies. The rebel women and children have retired to Albany."⁴

Reports from General Van Rensselaer’s scouts were received in Albany by the end of August, 1780, indicating Sir John Johnson was preparing to strike between Fort Schuyler and Oneida, New York at a place called Stone Arabia. On this news, Van Rensselaer moved his headquarters to Schenectady to better opposition his forces in the event there was an attack further west on the Mohawk River. On October 12, 1780, word reached Albany that on the eighth Sir John Johnson, Butler, and Brant had commenced attacks on the eighth of October west of Schenectady while forces commanded by British Commander, Major Christopher Carleton, had attacked and captured Fort Ann north of Albany and were threatening to take Fort George.⁵

On the night of October 16, 1780, the settlement of Ballston was attacked by a detachment of Major Carleton's division consisting of British regulars, Tories and Indians commanded by Major John Munro, a former merchant of Schenectady. It is believed that the original intention of the enemy was to surprise Schenectady but the element of surprise was lost due to Militia scouts reporting their presence. The Northern force decided to proceed no further than Ballston for fear they would meet superior numbers of Militia.

Simultaneous with the attack by Munro at Ballston, Sir John Johnson, approaching from the west of Schenectady, attacked a series of three Forts hear present day Middleburg, New York. The upper fort was quickly captured and after an attempt to get the middle fort to surrender, it was by passed. The Johnson force then burned and pillaged their way through the countryside as they continued their attacks, eventually camping six miles below the lower fort which they had also by passed during the days fighting.

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On October 17, 1780, word reached General Van Rensselaer in Albany of the attack of Sir John and he proceeded to Schenectady with any troops he could rally to the cause. On October 18, Van Rensselaer left Schenectady and proceeded west up the Mohawk Valley. On the morning of October 19, Colonel Brown, commander of Fort Kayser,¹ left the post with 130 men to join Van Rensselaer but was surprised by Sir John' forces, and outnumbered seven to one, disastrously defeated.² General Van Rensselaer was apprised of the enemy's whereabouts and of the defeat of Colonel Brown and in the afternoon, overtaking the enemy, he forced the engagement known as the battle of Klock's Field. Sir John and his forces, unfortunately, were permitted to escape and although General Van Rensselaer was blamed for his failure to follow up on the advantage gained, the Court of Inquiry convened for the purpose of investigating his action not only wholly exonerated him, but declared that his conduct "was not only unexceptional, but such as became a good, active, faithful, prudent and spirited officer."³

By the spring of 1781, there was wide spread discouragement and apprehension among the population because of the raids by the British and their allies. Furnishing supplies to the many Forts along the Mohawk River was becoming increasingly more difficult which caused many desertions from the militia ranks and the Continental Congress was slow to reimburse for goods and supplies. The area was a prime target for invasion with the militia low on both arms and ammunition. As defeat of the Continental Armies appeared possible, the number of Tories available to the British for their armies appeared to be increasing.

Throughout the spring of 1781, there were many minor skirmishes with small bands of Indians and rumors persisted that larger attacks were imminent. In June, Colonel Marinus Willett took over command of the levies troops raised for the defense of the frontiers and with wisdom and skill, justified the confidence placed in him. The lower part of the Mohawk Valley around Schenectady was practically free of large scale incursions by the enemy and the frontier areas further west on the Mohawk River only experienced minor attacks due to Willett’s aggressive engagement with these small Indian raiding parties.⁴

Late in October, 1781, the enemy again appeared in force south of the valley under Major Ross with about 450 Indians, Regulars, and Tories, advancing north through the Cherry Valley to the Mohawk Valley. This force attacked Warren's Bush located about 20 miles east of Fort Rensselaer. Immediately upon receipt of the news of the raid, Colonel Willett dispatched messengers down the Valley asking the militia to join him, while he himself at once set out in pursuit of the enemy with what forces he could collect. After the engagement at Warren's Bush, Major Ross retired to Johnstown and on October 25, 1781, Colonel Willett engaged the enemy causing them to retreat from the area.

On the evening of October 28^th , Colonel Willett, having been reinforced by a band of Oneidas Indians and the militia⁵, started in pursuit of the raiders, subsequently attacking a detail of them on West Canada Creek, killing several, among whom was the notorious Captain Walter Butler, commander of the British forces who participated in the Cherry Valley Massacre. The news of the death of Butler was received in Schenectady with great rejoicing. The Whigs illuminated their houses and the Tories, under threat of being mobbed, were forced to do likewise. With the expedition under Major Ross chased back to Canada, operations on the frontier ended when Cornwallis surrendered at Yorktown, ending the Hostilities.

As will be shown later in this text, Christopher, Asahel, William, Nathan, and John Stark most surely were participants in some of the actions described above. There participation, suggested by their military documents, clearly shows there was a family named Stark living east of Albany, perhaps even in Vermont, although the evidence to be presented seems to suggest they lived on the New York side of the Hudson River.

One final event occurred in December of 1781 and January of 1782. The issues that had existed before the war in the New Hampshire Grants located around Bennington, Vermont, resulted in dissention in the Militia Ranks with the possibility of hostilities being renewed between the people of the Vermont Grants and New York. There was an insurrection among the militia in the areas around Bennington and New York Militia Units drawn from Batten Kill and Hoosick, the area around which it is believed our ancestors were residents. On December 1, 1781, the arguments became so intense that an insurrection broke out in the regiments of Colonels John and Henry K. Van Rensselaer. The Regiment of Colonel Peter Yates also became divided over the issue, with residents from Batten Kill and Hoosick taking sides with the people of the Grants.

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As we will see, Christopher Stark, Jr., Asahel Stark, and William Stark served in the regiments of Colonel John Van Rensselaer and Peter Yates.

The Military Evidence Relevant to Christopher Stark, Jr.'s Family

New York Revolutionary War Records reveal that from August 1 to August 4 of 1781, there was a Lt. Christopher Stark and Private Ashel Stark serving under Captain William Shepard in the "alarm at Saratoga." Captain Shepard's Company was assigned to Col. Cornelius Douty's Regiment of Foot, State of Vermont.¹ From the Pay Roll Voucher submitted by Captain Shepard, 16 men were paid for four days duty plus 4 pence/mile each for a march of 24 miles. Among these men were John Price, Jr. and Jonathan Price, who would later be recorded as neighbors of Asahel Stark in the 1790 Census for Pittstown, Albany County, New York.

From the Beekman Patents, Dutchess County, New York, we know there was a Christopher Stark who bought a lease in 1759 which included the names "Azel" Stark and William Stark on the lease agreement. [See “The Biography of Christopher Stark, Sr.”] Therefore, combining the Beekman patent data with the Pay Roll voucher data would seem to reveal there was most likely a Asahel and Christopher Stark, probably related and more likely to be father and son, living east of Albany in 1781.

As related earlier, the State of New York paid those who served in the war from 1777 to 1782 by issuing Certificates of Indebtedness in 1784. On February 28, 1785, one William Stark was granted permission by Susanna Stark to pick up the military wages due to Christopher Starks for duty in Colonel John Van Rensselaer's Regiment of Militia. This note was attested to in St. Coyek. On August 20, 1785, William Stark was granted permission to pick up the military wages of Asahel Stark for duty in the same regiment. On January 11, 1786, from St. Coyek, William Stark was given permission to pick up the pay of Christopher Stark on behalf of Susanna Stark from Colonel John Van Rensselaer.² These pay vouchers would seem to show there was a relationship between Christopher Stark, Asahel Stark, William Stark, and Susanna Stark. Susanna was probably the wife of Christopher, collecting the pay of her deceased husband while William Stark was probably her son and Asahel's brother. From the locations where these documents were prepared, we must conclude this Stark family was living in an area east of present day Albany, New York close to the Vermont border.

From the Revolutionary War Pension Applications, we know there was a William Stark who served in Colonel John Harper's Regiment of Levies which is further proved by a pay voucher dated June 21, 1784 which states William Stark has given William Wilson permission to pick up his military wages due for the year 1780 while serving in Captain Harrison's Company which was part of Colonel Harper's Regiment of Levies. This William Stark married Mehitable Fuller, her family well documented as living in the area around Albany at the time of the Revolution.³ In his Pension Application, he served nine months in this regiment beginning in the spring of 1780.⁴

From the pension application of Nathan Stark/Start's wife⁵, Jemima Farnsworth, made in 1840, it would seem Nathan Stark also served in Colonel Harper's Regiment of Levies, joining in the spring of 1780 from Cambridge, New York, also near Albany and in the same general area of New York where Christopher, Asahel, and William lived. He can also be identified as being part of Harper's Regiment from a pay voucher dated November 26, 1781 which requested he be paid for his time as a prisoner for 13 months and three days while serving in Colonel Harper's Regiment of Levies. Looking at the dates of enlistment, one can clearly see Nathan and William joined at the same time and their enlistments overlapped until Nathan was captured in October of 1780.⁶

These documents clearly show there was a relationship between Christopher Stark, Asahel Stark, William Stark, and Nathan Stark indicating they may have been relatives. Although Nathan is not linked directly to Christopher, he is linked indirectly through William. Nathan married in Granville, Washington County, New York, located about 40 miles north of Pittstown, and die their in 1812. However, Nathan could be a cousin for other researchers believe this Nathan Stark was the son of Nathan Stark, Sr. who was the son of Daniel Stark who was the brother of Christopher Stark, Sr. and an Uncle of Christopher Stark, Jr.⁷

Finally, John Stark who married Catherine Neff in Fonda, New York, located about 40 miles west of Albany, is a possible son of Christopher due to a pay voucher dated April 25, 1781. This record consists of three pieces of paper of which one appears to be an envelope. The envelope has written on it the name John Starks, Order #180-107 and the name Christopher Star [Last part torn] The second piece of paper says, “copy of” and the third gives "my honoured father" permission to pick up three months wages due to John Stark. A witness to John's signature is Timothy Price who served in Yates Regiment with Asahel Stark and Christopher Stark.⁸ If the Christopher Stark shown on the envelope is John's father, and the witness Timothy Price lived east of Albany, New York in 1781, then John is most certainly a son of Christopher which then links him to Asahel, William, and Nathan.

While the above is not conclusive, it most certainly shows there was a Stark Family living east of Albany as early as 1779 and probably earlier, an that they appeared to have a close association with many people proven to have lived on Beekman's Patent in Dutchess County, New York.

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Bibliography

"New York in the Revolution As Colony And State," 1904 publication.

Hanson, Willis T, Jr.; "A History of Schenectady During the Revolution." Published 1916.

Chapter XV titled “Steps Taken to Protect the Frontier,” pages 90-94.

Chapter XVI: “The Mohawk Valley Laid Waste,“ pages 95-100.

Chapter XVII: "The Raids on Ballston and the Schoharie Settlements," pages 101-108.

Chapter XIX, “The Raids of 1781,“ pages 114-120.