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In the Spring of 1830, Mexican foreign Minister Lucas Alamán introduced a bill to the Mexican Congress which became known as the “April 6 Law.” This bill authorized the construction and manning of military posts in Texas, encouraged colonization by Mexican nationals, prohibited further immigration to Texas from the United States, suspended empresario contracts not already completed, and banned the introduction of additional slaves, slavery having already been banned by the Mexican Constitution of 1824. William Bennett Travis came in early 1831 to Anahuac, Texas from Claiborne, Alabama, establishing a law practice in that community. Travis was to be appointed the American Council in Anahuac on the recommendation of Stephen F. Austin but before Congress could act on this recommendation, Anahuac became the focal point of immigrant discontent because of the April 6, 1830 Law. Stephen F. Austin’s colony on the Brazos had been granted exemption from custom duties for seven years and under the new law, Mexican authorities insisted on payment after the exemption ran out, which applied to all of the colonies. The colonist and merchants responded by smuggling their goods into Anahuac and the Mexican authorities resorted to seizures of ships and their cargos.[9]

The smuggling was a direct challenge to Mexican Authority and the government appointed Colonel Juan (John) Bradburn, a Virginian by birth, as Commander of the garrison at Anahuac. The American colonist were annoyed by Bradburn’s allegiance to Mexico and, because he was a intemperate, belligerent man, completely lacking in the powers of persuasion, animosity between the Commander and Colonist grew in intensity.[9] The original Mexican Constitution of 1824 specifically made slavery illegal in Mexico but the authorities allowed immigrants from the United States to bring their slaves if each slave signed long term documents of indenture. The slaves readily signed the documents having no idea the laws were different in Mexico. Bradburn took the ban on slavery seriously and attempted to enforce the Mexican Constitution and when Travis made application to Bradburn to recover two runaway slaves, Bradburn rejected the application, stating the runways were not contraband, but free men under Mexican Law and that the two men had joined the Mexican Army and requested Mexican citizenship.[9]

Taking advantage of Bradburn’s unpopularity with the colonist, Travis spread a rumor that Louisiana vigilantes were coming to Anahuac to recover the slaves causing Bradburn to prepare the garrison for an assault, only to discover there was no threat at all. Because Travis had laughed so hard telling the story to others, making Bradburn the laughing stock of Anahuac, Bradburn had Travis arrested and thrown in the guardhouse. Travis became an instant celebrity among the American population, who despised Bradburn anyway, and when Patrick Jack was arrested for attempting to raise a militia against Bradburn, the colony became restless. Fearing the Anahuac residents would attempt to free his prisoners, Bradburn moved them from a ordinary guardhouse to a empty brick kiln.[9]

Other arrest were made which infuriated the colonists even more and word of the plight of those arrested in Anahuac spread northward to San Felipe and Nacogdoches. Thirty armed men were raised from Brazoria and as they rode toward Anahuac, their number grew to more than 100 men. As they were riding towards Anahuac, this band of settlers came upon soldiers sent out by Bradburn who were taken hostage. On arriving in Anahuac, a prisoner exchange was discussed and the Mexican soldiers were released. However, Bradburn reneged on releasing Travis and Jack and instead sent soldiers into Anahuac who shot up the town in the American sector. A group of settlers traveling from Brazoria with a cannon, engaged some Mexican soldiers, the skirmish resulting in several fatalities among the Mexican troops.[9]

The fatalities alarmed the Commander of the garrison at Nacogdoches who hurried south to Anahuac to prevent the rebellion from becoming a full fledged revolution. Because the Mexican army’s presence at that time was not of sufficient strength to put down an uprising in East Texas, the Nacogdoches Commander convinced Bradburn to release Travis and Jack to the Mexican Civil Courts and persuaded Bradburn to relinquish his command to a replacement.[10] Travis was released two months later and declared in a publication, “Americans know their rights and will assert and protect them. The Americans have gained everything which they claimed. There is every prospect that this happy state of things will have a long and prosperous duration.”[10]

Stephen F. Austin and James Bowie attempted to calm the American colonist after the Anahuac Rebellion but during the summer of 1832, José de las Piedras, Commander of the garrison at Nacogdoches, ordered all of the settlers in the area to surrender their arms. This was just a few months after the Lewis family had located in Texas from Ouachita Parish, Louisiana. As one would expect, this order clearly threatened the security of the settlers. The order was rejected and the settlers in the region organized a militia to prevent Piedras from enforcing it. Word was sent out in all directions from Nacogdoches to the other American colonies that this order must be resisted by force of arms.[11]

^________

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Samuel Lewis and his sons, Martin Baty Lewis, and John Taylor Lewis, answered the call to arms and joined with the insurgents against Piedras. John W. Bullock was elected Commander of the force which assembled near Nacogdoches on the 31st of July. The men were divided into companies and made preparations to attack the garrison. However, Piedras  was considered to be a gallant man and a gentleman who was generally liked by the residents. A committee was formed consisting of Isaac W. Burton, Philip A. Sublett and Henry W. Augustin who visited Piedras and make known to him the views and intentions of their constituents, and ask his co-operation in sustaining Santa Anna and a free Republican government, with an intimation, unmistakable in tone, that, if he did not, be must evacuate his position and retire to the interior of Mexico. To the requests of the committee, Piedras delivered a gentlemanly but emphatic "No." The answer left but one of two courses to the armed citizens.[12]

In 1898, John Henry Brown wrote this account of the battle of Nacogdoches[12]

“On the night of August 1st, these earnest men, about three hundred in number, camped a little east of Nacogdoches. During the night, in anticipation of bloody work on the morrow, the families evacuated the town. On the next the forces entered the suburbs, challenging attack; but, none being made, moved into the center of the town, whereupon they were charged by about a hundred Mexican cavalry, who were repulsed with some loss. Don Encarnacion Chirino, Alcalde, fell by the fire of his own countrymen. The Texians took position in houses and behind fences, and a random fire was kept up till night, in which time they lost three killed and five wounded, while the Mexican loss was stated at forty-one killed and about as many wounded. During the night Piedras retreated on the road to San Antonio. Colonel James Bowie, who seems to have arrived during the night, headed a party to out travel and got in front of Piedras, while the main body pursued in the rear. By taking the lower road Bowie succeeded and appeared in Piedras' front a little west of the Angelina, in crossing which the Mexican sergeant, Marcos, was killed by Bowie's men. Seeing his inevitable defeat, and resolved not to abandon the cause of his chief, Piedras surrendered the command to the next in rank, Don Francisco Medina, who at once declared for Santa Anna and the Republican constitution, and submitted himself to the colonists ¾ nominally yielding himself and command as prisoners. By agreement, Bowie escorted the Mexicans to San Antonio. Asa M. Edwards conducted Piedras to Velasco, whence he returned to Mexico. Among the volunteers at Nacogdoches, besides Bullock and Bowie, were Asa M. Edwards, Haden H. Edwards, Alexander Horton, Almanzon Huston, Isaac W. Burton, Philip A. Sublett, Henry W. Augustin, M. B. Lewis, Theophilus Thomas, Isaac D. Thomas, Thomas S. McFarland, Asa Jarman, and William Y. Lacy."

It is ironic, as later events will reveal, that the officer surrendering Piedras’ troops to James Bowie declared for Santa Anna and the Republican Constitution. In the summer of 1832, Santa Anna was a hero of the Mexican Revolution and the hopeful salvation of the Texans and the interest of Stephen F. Austin. The government was controlled by centralist who were manipulating the elections to give them the results they desired. Santa Anna, as a hedge against this fraud, enlisted the aid of some of his old comrades in arms and seized the Port of Veracruz, the single largest source of Mexico’s public revenue. On hearing the port had been captured, other southern states in Mexico, along with the Texans, called for Santa Anna to lead the country back to federalism. Stephen F. Austin wrote; “I would not be a lover of the fundamental principles of the constitutional liberty of my adopted country if I failed to respect the Chief whose arms have always been used to protect and sustain them.”[13]

After a series of small battles, Santa Anna’s forces had gained control of the country by October of 1832. In January of 1833, a parade was held in Santa Anna’s honor in Mexico City and Santa Anna called for pass grievances to be forgotten with these words to a grateful nation; “…indulgence with mistakes of opinion, an end to hatreds, and the erasure from memory of the word vengeance. Thus, you will attain the object of your desires and sacrifices, long and happy days for the republic, durable happiness for all.” With the nation at peace, Santa Anna retired to his hacienda but assured his supporters he would not be far away with these words, “My whole ambition is restricted to beating my sword into a plowshare. If any hand should again disturb the public peace and constitutional order, do not forget me. I shall return at your call, and we shall again show the world that the Mexican Republic will not tolerate tyrants and oppressors of the people.”[14]

The Lewis family settled on Indian Creek in the region which later became Jasper County. Samuel Lewis and John Taylor Lewis probably encouraged others in Ouachita Parish to move to Texas where there was an abundance of land for the taking and it is believed William Hawley Stark followed his sister, Sarah Mariah Stark and her husband, to Texas, purchasing a league of land in 1835 at about the same time his brother-in-law and neighbor, William Herrin, by then married to Prudence Jane Stark, purchased land in November of 1835. By 1835, John Taylor Lewis and Sarah Mariah Stark had a son, William McFarland Lewis, born in Texas in 1833, and a daughter, Nancy Jane Lewis, born in Louisiana in 1831.[15]

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Mary Holly was a cousin of Stephen F. Austin who was a writer by inclination. Her husband had died and Mary knew her brother, Henry, and cousin Stephen, were in Texas. Being an enterprising woman, she decided to make a journey to Texas, keeping an diary of her travels, which she intended to publish as a book. Because Stephen Austin was becoming well known in the United States as a successful empresario in Mexico, she reasoned her readers would find her stories interesting and her travel guide helpful to those planning a move to Texas. She found a publisher, and in the fall of 1831, left New Orleans with a boatload of passengers bound for Texas. From her account, life in Texas, as seen from a woman’s point of view, can be appreciated and understood. Although she visited communities like Brazoria and San Felipe on the Brazos River, we can get some understanding of what life was like for the women who arrived and lived in these early Texas communities. One would suppose the circumstances and experiences in other communities would be similar.[16]

Mary wrote this first impression of the community of Brazoria, “One street stretches along the bank of the Brazos, and one parallel with it further back, while other streets, with the trees still standing, are laid out to intersect these at right angles, to be cleared at some future day as the wants of the citizens may require. Its arrangement, as well as its wealth and greatness, are all prospective.”[17]

Of the fifty or so families who lived in the town, she wrote, “Some families, recently arrived, are obliged to camp out, from the impracticability of getting other accommodation. The place, therefore, has a busy and prosperous air, which it is always agreeable to notice, but has not yet advanced beyond the wants of first necessity. There is neither cabinetmaker, tailor, hatter, shoe-maker, nor any other mechanic, except carpenters." Of the one boardinghouse, she said, “The proprietors of it are from New York and know how things should be, and have intelligence and good sense enough to make the best of circumstances they cannot control.”[17]

Mary counseled those expecting to move to arrive in the fall. “The best month to arrive is in October. The first impression at that time is delightful, as well as just, and there is less inconvenience and trouble at that time than at any other season. It is also the most favorable season on account of health. Those persons who come from the northern states or from Europe, in the spring and summer, experience too sudden a change and are always more or less affected by it.” She then gave the following advice for women who would be making the transition to Texas with there families:

“House-keepers should bring with them all indispensable articles for household use, together with as much common clothing (other clothing is not wanted) for themselves and their children, as they conveniently can. Ladies in particular should remember that in a new country they cannot get things made at any moment, as in an old one, and that they will be sufficiently busy the first two years, in arranging such things as they have, without occupying themselves in obtaining more. It should also be done as a matter of economy…

Those who must have a feather-bed had better bring it, for it would take too long to make one; and though the air swarms with live geese, a feather-bed could not be got for love or money. Everybody should bring pillows and bed linen. Mattresses, such as are used universally in Louisiana ¾ and they are very comfortable ¾ are made of the moss which hangs on almost every tree. They cost nothing but the case and the trouble of preparing the moss. The case should be brought. Domestic checks are best, being cheap and light, and sufficiently strong. The moss is prepared by burying it in the earth until it is partially rotted. It is then washed very clean, dried and picked, when it is fit for use. These mattresses should be made very thick, and those who like a warmer bed in winter can put some layers of wool, well car ded, upon the moss, taking care to keep this side up.

Every emigrant should bring mosquito bars…. They are indispensable in the summer season, and are made of a thin species of muslin, manufactured for the purpose. Furniture, such as chairs and bureaus, can be brought in separate pieces and put together, cheaper and better, after arrival, than they can be purchased here, if purchased at all. But it must be recollected that very few articles of this sort are required, where houses are small and building expensive…. Tables are made by the house carpenter, which answer the purpose very well, where nobody has better and the chief concern is to get something to put upon them. The maxim here is, nothing for show but all for use. “[17]

And for those who Texas might not be the place for them, Mary gave this sobering advice, “Those persons… Who are established in comfort and competency, with an ordinary portion of domestic happiness; who have never been far from home, and are excessively attached to personal ease; who shrink from hardship and danger, and those who, being accustomed to a regular routine of prescribed employment in a city, know not how to act on emergencies or adapt themselves to all sorts of circumstances, had better stay where they are.”[17]

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From October 1, to October 6 of 1832, the American Settlements in Texas held a convention to ask the Mexican Government to address the issues which had been the cause of the insurgencies in Nacogdoches and Anahuac. Attending were fifty-six delegates from sixteen districts. Austin was elected President of the Convention and among those attending were William McFarland, representing Ayish Bayou District and Samuel Lewis, named to the Subcommittee of Safety, Vigilance, and Correspondence for the Snow River District (later became Bevil District).[18],[19],[20]

The convention adopted a series of resolutions such as; requesting an extension of the tariff exemption in Texas for three years; modification of the Law of April 6, 1830 which would permit more general immigration from the United States; the appointment of a commissioner to issue land titles in East Texas; donation of government lands for the maintenance of primary schools to be conducted in Spanish and English; and a request from the ayuntamiento (Town Council) of Nacogdoches to prevent white encroachment on lands guaranteed to Indians in East Texas. The convention also established a plan for organizing a militia and committees of vigilance, safety, and correspondence, which could disseminate news quickly in case of an emergency. In its most controversial decision, the convention adopted a motion to request separate statehood from Coahuila which, after some debate, was adopted.[20]

For several reasons, the resolutions were never presented, the primary reason being the refusal of San Antonio to cooperate with the convention which made it appear that only the colonists who had come from the United States were dissatisfied. Therefore, the political chief of the province, Ramón Músquiz, ruled that the meeting was unauthorized and therefore illegal and Stephen Austin, believing the petition for statehood was premature, decided Santa Anna would soon take over the centralist government from Anastasio Bustamante and be more favorable to the petition. As already presented, Santa Anna did take over soon after the convention adjourned.[20]

Sam Houston had met James Prentiss, a speculator who controlled tens of thousands of acres in the Leftwich grant, or at least he controlled them on paper. He offered to bring Houston in as a partner in exchange for payment of cash and Houston’s commitment to travel to Texas to make good on his claim. The April 6, 1830 law made it imperative that Houston make the trip as soon as possible. Houston arrived in Nacogdoches in January of 1833 and from there traveled to San Felipe and then to San Antonio. His traveling companion from San Felipe to San Antonio was James Bowie and it is probable the two men exchanged information on the unrest and insurgency which had occurred in Texas in the previous year. Houston met with several Comanche Chiefs in San Antonio to provide legitimacy to his presence in Texas on behalf of President Jackson and then returned to Nacogdoches, which, by 1833, had become the center of intrigue and agitation in the dispute between the American Colonist and the Mexican Government, and where many opportunist had established their base of operations.

Another convention was held in San Felipe on April 1, 1833, the same day Antonio López de Santa Anna became President of Mexico by popular demand. The convention included about fifty participants including Austin, representing San Felipe, Sam Houston, representing Nacogdoches, and most likely William McFarland, representing Ayish Bayou District, and although the list of names of the attendees has been lost, men like Samuel Lewis probably attended representing their regions. The resolutions adopted by this convention were much the same as the Convention of 1832.

The convention petitioned again for repeal of the anti-immigration section of the Law of April 6, 1830 and in addition asked for more adequate Indian defense, judicial reform, and improvement in mail service. They sought tariff exemption as before, and passed resolutions prohibiting African slave traffic into Texas which agreed with the Mexican Constitution of 1824. The delegates proposed the Mexican Government split the Mexican State of Coahuila allowing a new Mexican State of Texas to be created. Assuming that the petition for statehood would be granted, a committee, of which Houston was chairman, prepared a constitution for submission to the Mexican Congress. Stephen Austin was chosen to present the petition to the Mexican government in Mexico City and the Convention adjourned on April 13.[21]

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There was considerable debate on the issue of Mexican Statehood which at times took a decidedly secessionist direction with Sam Houston the leader of this group. At the convention, Houston declared in a speech, “Can Mexico ever make laws for Texas? No!!…Mexico is acting in bad faith and trifling with the rights of people. Plans formed without the assent of Texas are not binding upon Texas.” By preparing a Constitution and requesting Statehood, the message was clear that Texas was determined to govern itself. While many in the delegation, led by Stephen Austin, would have been content with self-government within the Mexican federation, there were others, led by Sam Houston, who saw the separation from Coahuila as a first step towards eventual separation from Mexico.[22]

Austin left for Mexico City soon after the convention and on arriving at the seat of Mexican government, he found Vice President Valéntin Gómez Farias was sitting in for Santa Anna, who was ill and had not arrived at the Capital to take control of the government. Austin, in letters back to San Felipe, reported the progress of his meetings with Vice President Farias and the Mexican Cabinet members; “I explained at large and with some detail the situation of Texas and the necessity of erecting it into a state…..and had the right and duty of every people to save themselves from anarchy and ruin…On this last point I enlarged very much. I distinctly stated as my opinion that self-preservation would compel the people of Texas to organize a local government, with or without the approbation of the General Government ¾ that this measure would not proceed from any hostile views to the permanent union of Texas with Mexico, but from absolute necessity, to save themselves from anarchy and total ruin. How such a measure would affect the union of Texas with Mexico, or where it would end, were matters worthy of serious reflection.”

If Austin spoke to the Vice President in this way and tone, he had issued an ultimatum ---- Give us statehood or we will give it to ourselves. This enraged Gómez Farias causing him to become suspicious of Austin‘s motives and loyalty to the Mexican government. Austin’s loyalty to the Mexico was further questioned by Gómez Farias, still handling government affaires for Santa Anna, when he obtained letters Austin sent in October of 1833 to the ayuntamiento (town council) of San Antonio de Béxar. When Austin wrote these letters, he had seen little progress towards statehood and he reported and recommended; “And in my opinion nothing is going to be done…And so I hope that you will not lose a single moment in directing a communication to all the Ayuntamientos of Texas, urging them to unite in a measure to organize a local government independent of Coahuila, even though the general government should withhold its consent.” To the Mexican officials, these were the words of a rebel organizing his followers.[22]

Believing he could do no more, Austin left Mexico City in December of 1833 and hurried to catch up with General Pedro Lemus, newly appointed commandant of the Northern District. He caught up with the General at Saltillo and was immediately placed under arrest on the order of the war ministry and was to be returned to the capital to answer charges raised by the state government of Coahuila y Texas. He arrived back in Mexico City February 13, 1834 and was placed in prison with no charges being formally filed. After three months in prison, Austin had been allowed no visitors and hopes for a hearing and freedom were placed in Santa Anna’s return to the capital.

For one year, Santa Anna had skirted his duties as President, feigning illness as his reason for not attending his own inauguration and then for the same reason, letting his vice-president, Gómez Farias, run the country in his absence. Some historians believe Santa Anna’s “illness” was a political ploy to avoid being responsible for liberal reforms the vice president and a like wise liberal congress put into place. The most influential persons in the country, the wealthy, were the biggest losers if the reforms were enacted, which caused Santa Anna to delay his return to the capital and wait for their reaction and the reaction of the general population. If they proved to be popular, Santa Anna could claim credit, but if they failed, then he could place the blame on Gómez Farias and the Congress.

Santa Anna, during his stay at his hacienda, was approached by a conservative alliance of Bishops and Generals asking Santa Anna to assume emergency powers which he declined to do at that time with these words, “I swear to you that I oppose all efforts aimed at the destruction of the constitution and that I would die before accepting any other power than that designated by it…..My firmest determination is to defend without the slightest hesitation the constitution as our representatives gave it to us in 1824.”[23] However, after several more months had passed, the bishops, generals, and landed gantry, again visited Santa Anna’s hacienda and again requested he move against the liberal movement, arguing the masses weren’t ready for republicanism and Mexico needed stronger leadership. Santa Anna allowed himself to be persuaded by these arguments and in a complete about face, determined he alone would rule the country. Towards the end of April 1834, he returned to the capital, sent the congress home, forced Vice President Gómez Farias into exile in New Orleans, and unilaterally repealed most of the reforms of his liberal government.

With his now conservative base satisfied, Santa Anna justified his actions to the Mexican citizens with these words, “I encountered stormy sessions of the Congress. One faction was endeavoring to confiscate the property of the church and to deny to the clergy its rights and ancient privileges. The public was dismayed by these actions and opposed violently any usurpation of the clergy’s rights. Obeying the dictates of my conscience and hoping to quell a revolution, I declined to approve the necessary decree to put these edicts into law.”[24] With these sweeping political actions, Santa Anna assumed dictatorial powers over the government of Mexico in May of 1834.

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Meanwhile, Stephen F. Austin continued to languish in his Mexico City prison cell, but was much encouraged by the return of Santa Anna to the capital. Santa Anna eased the conditions of Austin’s imprisonment after Gómez Farias departed, having him transferred to better prison quarters in the suburbs. Visitors were allowed and one businessman who admired Austin, offered to help him escape. However, Austin declined the offer, placing his faith in Santa Anna to set things right. This faith in Santa Anna led Austin to write in August of 1834, “I have no doubt that the political intentions of the President General Santa Anna are sound and patriotic…President Santa Anna is friendly to Texas and to me, of this I have no doubt.”[25]

Santa Anna continued to expand his control over the Mexican government by dismantling the federalist institutions, dissolving state legislatures and militias, and even demoting the Mexican States to departments of the national government. After disposing of his vice-president, Gómez Farias, he held rigged elections that provided him with a rubber stamp congress. This was not done without some resistance. The State of Zacatecas, northeast of Mexico City, refused to disband it’s militia. Santa Anna personally led an Army which soundly defeated the Zacatecas Militia and then, as an example, brutally slaughtered the insurgents and hundreds of women and children. His message was clear, those who opposed his rule could expect no mercy if their opposition failed, an ominous warning to Texans if they planned to oppose Santa Anna’s ambitions.

To restore order to the northern frontier and Texas, Santa Anna sent his brother-in-law north to Texas with several hundred men, there mission, to prevail in Texas as Santa Anna had prevailed in the State of Zacatecas. His orders were to disarm the citizens of Texas and if this could not be accomplished peacefully, then, the population could expect the same harsh treatment experienced by the State of Zacatecas. Cos, on his arrival, announced; “The plans of the revolutionist of Texas are well known to this commandancy, and it is quite useless and vain to cover them with a hypocritical adherence to the federal constitution. The constitution by which all Mexicans may be governed is the constitution which the colonists of Texas must obey, no matter on what principles it may be formed.”[26] With all of the players in place, the revolution is about to begin.

In the spring of 1835, Santa Anna ordered new troops to Anahuac to collect the customs duties, which angered the local merchants and rebellion began anew in Anahuac, led once again by William Travis. The merchant’s retaliated using sabotage and evasion. One of Travis’ clients had a schooner which arrived having passengers aboard without passports. The schooner was seized, it’s cargo impounded and the passengers arrested and taken to Veracruz. Word was quickly passed among the colonist that similar actions by the British had triggered the American Revolution. Travis raised a band of volunteers who elected him Captain and advanced on Anahuac where he demanded the garrison commander surrender or have every member of his garrison killed. Not knowing the strength of Travis’ band, the garrison commander, after assurances his men would not be harmed, abandoned the garrison and rode towards the Rio Grande. General Cos ordered the arrest of Travis but the local authorities refused to carry out the arrest order. A $1,000 dollar bounty reward was offered for the capture of Travis, which further enhanced his reputation among the Texas settlements.

James Bowie was arrested by General Cos who was after some other officials and happened to catch Bowie in his net. After several weeks, Bowie escaped to the American settlements, sounding the alarm that General Cos and his troops were coming. He eventually reached Nacogdoches where militia units were being raised and was elected to be a Colonel.

Austin was finally released in August of 1835 and traveled by boat from Veracruz to New Orleans. He found there were thousands of immigrants pouring into Texas each month, most entering without the permission of the Mexican government or the local empresarios. Texas was becoming Americanized with the population now about thirty thousand from the United States compared to about three thousand Mexican nationals. During his time in New Orleans, Austin learned of the latest Anahuac uprising and of General Cos’ approach. Although Austin still had a glimmer of hope Santa Anna had the best interest of Texas at heart, his trust in this man as a savior of the settlers was faltering as he wrote, “General Santa Anna told me he should visit Texas next month as a friend. His visit is uncertain, his friendship much more so. We must rely on ourselves, and prepare for the worst.”[27]

Upon his return, there was a tremendous celebration and at the conclusion, Austin was ask to speak.[27]

"My efforts to serve Texas involved me in the labyrinth of Mexican politics. I was arrested, and have suffered a long persecution and imprisonment. I fully hoped to have found Texas at peace and in tranquility, but regret to find if in commotion, all disorganized, all in anarchy, and threatened with immediate hostilities. This state of things is deeply to be lamented; it is a great misfortune, but it is one which has not been produced by any acts of the people of this country. On the contrary it is the natural and inevitable consequence of the revolution that has spread all over Mexico, and of the imprudent and impolitic measures of both the general and state governments with respect to Texas. They are farmers, cultivators of the soil, and are pacific from interest, from occupation, and from inclination. They have uniformly endeavored to sustain the constitution and the public peace by pacific means, and have never deviated from their duty as Mexican citizens. The federal constitution of 1824 is about to be destroyed, the system of government changed, and a central or consolidated one established. Let all personalities, or divisions, or excitements, or passion, or violence, be banished from among us. Let a general consultation of people of Texas be convened as speedily as possible, to be composed of the best, and most calm, and intelligent, and firm men in the country, and let them decide what representations ought to be made to the general government and what ought to be done in the future."

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General Cos loaded five hundred troops on ships and two weeks after Austin’s homecoming, landed troops on the Texas coast. Austin had hoped for more time to get organized, but this new development and the populations fear of meeting the same fate as the State of Zacatecas, moved the settlers to act more quickly than they would have liked. Committees of Safety were organized with Austin heading San Felipe’s. Austin circulated a letter to the other communities giving the latest information on the movements of General Cos and plans for countering those movements. He wrote; [28]

“Things have come on us much sooner than I expected. The substance of this information is that General Cos was expected at Béxar on the 16th of this month with more troops, that there was a plan to try and foment divisions and discord among the people, so as to use one part against the other, and prevent preparation ¾ and that the real object is to destroy and break up the foreign settlements in Texas. All kind of conciliatory measures with General Cos and the military at Béxar are hopeless….Nothing but ruin to Texas can be expected from any such measures. They have already and very properly been resorted to, without effect. War is upon us. There is no remedy. The people must unconditionally summit to whatever the government chooses to do for them; he (General Cos) lays down the principle that General Government have the right to force us to summit to any reform or amendments or alterations that congress may make in the constitution, &c, for we shall be, under Cos‘ doctrine, without any rights or guarantees of any kind. War is inevitable. There must now be no halfway measures --- war in full. The sword is drawn and the scabbard must be put on one side until the military are all driven out of Texas.”

In early October of 1835, there was an altercation at Gonzales on the Guadalupe River. The empresario, Green Dewitt had been given a cannon by the Mexican authorities several years earlier to protect the settlement from Indians. When General Cos ordered the Texans to disarm, Colonel Ugartechea sent a small detachment of troops from San Antonio to Gonzales to retrieve the cannon. The colony refused to turn over the cannon after many Texan volunteers arrived in Gonzales. While the Texan Commander, John Moore, chosen in an election of the men who had assembled, parleyed with the Mexican commander, a banner was unfurled by the cannon with the words, “Come And Take It.” Moore returned to the Texan side of the Guadalupe River and the cannon was fired, discharging metal scraps toward the Mexicans. Musket fire was exchanged and the Mexican officer retreated to San Antonio. Casualties were light on both sides, but hostilities were escalating beyond insurgency and now becoming open rebellion which would rapidly lead to revolution.

The Texans had still not had a general consultation as suggested by Austin in early September of 1835. The skirmish in Gonzales left no doubt the Texans needed to meet and get organized soon, which would not happen until November. Because of the events in Gonzales, the communities of Gonzales, San Felipe, and Nacogdoches raised companies of volunteers naming as their commanders, John Moore, Stephen Austin, and Sam Houston, respectively. Once the commanders were named, they chose Austin as the Commander of the Texan Army.

Now that the Texan Army was organized, Austin ordered a march towards San Antonio de Béxar to attempt to engage General Cos. James Bowie was in Nacogdoches when news of the Gonzales battle arrived and with some friends from Louisiana, caught up with Austin’s army near Cibolo Creek, about 25 miles east and north of San Antonio. Austin assigned Bowie to his staff and gave him, along with James Fannin, the responsibility of reconnoitering San Antonio to learn more about the Mexican defenses. Intelligence reports from the town prompted Bowie and Fannin to report “A large number of the citizens of Béxar and of this place are now laying out, to prevent being forced to perform the most servile duties….Great consternation was manifested there when our approach to this point (Espada Mission, 9 miles from San Antonio) was made known….They have 8 pieces (4 lb) (Cannon) mounted, and one of larger size preparing for us. They have none on the Church, but have removed all their ammunition to it, and enclosed it by a wall, made of wood, six feet apart and six feet high, filled in with dirt, extending from the corners to the ditch, say sixty yards in length.”[29] They further reported provisions in the town were running low and General Cos and his men could be starved out in five days.

On this intelligence, Austin cautiously advanced towards San Antonio on October 27, 1836 sending Bowie and Fannin ahead with ninety men with orders to reconnoiter and return. However, in defiance of that order, Bowie and Fannin established a position in a bend of the San Antonio River, which protected them from flanking or rear attacks but having the disadvantage of providing no avenue of retreat. General Cos became aware of the presence of Bowie and Fannin and the position they had taken and sent a contingent of troops to exploit the rebels tenuous position. With the battle about to be engaged before Austin was prepared, he hastened forward to reinforce Bowie and Fannin, who were about to become embroiled in a fight with General Cos' troops.

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During the night of October 27, a heavy fog settled on the river and continued to hang in the air on the next morning. Although shots were exchanged by both sides, it was ineffective. As the fog lifted, the ninety rebels found themselves surrounded. Noah Smithwick wrote of the encounter; [30]

“When the fog lifted, we found ourselves pretty well surrounded, though the bluff and heavy timber on the west side of the river secured us against attack in the rear. In front was a field piece flanked by several companies of infantry; and across the river, to cut off retreat, were two companies of cavalry. But we lay low and their grape and canister crashed through the pecan trees overhead, raining a shower of ripe nuts down on us, and I saw men picking them up and eating them with as little apparent concern as if they were being shaken down by a norther. Bowie was a born leader, never needlessly spending a bullet or imperiling a life. He repeatedly admonished us, ’Keep under cover, boys, and reserve your fire; we haven’t a man to spare.’ Our long rifles ¾ and I thought I never heard rifles crack so keen, after the dull roar of the cannons ¾ mowed down the Mexicans at a rate that might well have made braver hearts than those encased in their shriveled little bodies recoil.

Three times they charged, but there was a platoon ready to receive them. Three times we picked off their gunners; the last one with a lighted match in his hand; then a panic seized them and they broke. They jumped on the mules attached to the caisson, two or three on a mule, without even taking time to cut them loose, and struck out for the fort, leaving the loaded gun on the field. With a ringing cheer we mounted the bank and gave chase. We turned their cannon on them, giving wings to their flight. They dropped their muskets, and, splashing through the shallow water of the river, fled helter skelter as if pursued by all the furies.”

In a stunning victory which became known as the Battle of Concepción, Bowie and Fannin had routed four times their number, inflicting sixty casualties on the Mexican troops while having one of their owned killed. Austin arrived shortly after the battle concluded and wrote, “The overwhelming superiority of force, and the brilliancy of the victory gained over them, speaks for themselves in terms too expressive to require from me any further eulogy.”[31]

In early November of 1835, Martin Baty Lewis raised a company of East Texas Volunteers who joined the Texas Army after the Battle of Concepcion. Among the volunteers was his brother, John Taylor Lewis.[32] The Consultation convened at about the same time in San Felipe with 55 delegates attending. Among the many decisions made, Sam Houston was appointed commander of the army, replacing the ailing Stephen F. Austin, and a provisional Government of Texas was created as a state of Mexico with Henry Smith elected as Governor. Houston was now commander of a army that didn’t really exist for the fighting thus far involved irregulars who came to fight when the mood struck them. The army lacked discipline, command and control, equipment and supplies, and the necessary training needed to act as a cohesive unit. The irregulars at San Antonio had defied Stephen F. Austin attempts to organize an assault before he relinquished his command and most decisions were actually being made by committee, many times at the lowest level units and this democratic army had decided to starve General Cos and his men into submission by laying siege to San Antonio.

Houston was against this strategy, believing it would be better to pull back to the east until the army could be trained. Houston wrote to James Fannin suggesting, not ordering, the army fall back to La Bahia and Gonzales along the Guadalupe River, leaving a force of sufficient strength to protect the frontier. The other fighting men would be allowed to go home until the Army could be supplied with ammunition and artillery to make a proper attack on San Antonio.

However, retreat was not acceptable to this democratic army and the siege of San Antonio continued in defiance of Houston‘s suggestion. After weeks on siege duty, the men became bored and on hearing a Mexican column, rumored to have a large quantity of silver, was approaching from the Rio Grande, decided it was time to attack to break the boredom and collect the booty. Bowie was placed in command of forty men to intercept the soldiers who had approached to within one mile of Béxar. Out numbered three or four to one, the Texans boldly galloped into the middle of the Mexican train, forcing them into a arroyo where they took refuge. Hearing the sound of gunfire, Cos sent troops out to reinforce the train and these additional Mexican troops then forced the Texans to seek cover in another close by arroyo. The battle raged back and forth, until Texan reinforcements made up of volunteers who wanted to share in the booty, arrived, driving the Mexicans into the town and forcing them to leave their baggage behind. The Texans fell upon their prize only to find out the train was nothing more than a contingent of troops sent out to gather grass to feed their horses and mules. This battle became known as the “Grass Fight” for obvious reasons.

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All of this was happening with Edward Burleson commanding, who had been elected by the volunteers participating in the siege when Austin stepped aside. He was by now having difficulty keeping the bored men from going home and promised an assault was to begin on San Antonio on the morning of December 2. However, the lack of a chain of command stopped the planned attack for the company captains polled their men and reported to Burleson they wouldn’t attack. Discouraged by this turn of events, many of the men elected to return to their homes if the Army wasn’t going to fight. Burleson tried to rally the men, but the exodus continued, weakening the siege. He then decided to make preparations to retreat to the east side of the Guadalupe as “suggested” by Houston.

A group of volunteers raised in New Orleans called the “Greys” because of their uniforms arrived at about this time, spoiling for a fight, only to find out the army was going to retreat from San Antonio rather than attack. They were among a group who strongly objected to the retreat and the most notable objector to the retreat was Ben Milam. When he found out Burleson was going to withdraw, he declared he would attack San Antonio on his own. Heated discussion could be heard after Milam and another volunteer, Frank Johnson, entered Burleson’s tent to argue their case. After several minutes, Milam stepped out of the tent and drew a line on the ground with the stock of his rifle and cried out in a loud voice; “Boys! Who will go with Ben Milam into Béxar?” Many of those close by answered “I Will” and Milam said, “Well, if you are going with me, get on this side.” About three hundred answered the call causing Burleson to reverse his decision and plan an attack to start on the morning of December 5. He persuaded those opposed to attacking to stay as a reserve force with these words; “Remain like men, and, win or lose, you will share the glory with your comrades. Abandon us, and you will merit the contempt of posterity.”[33]

Herman Ehrenberg, a member of the New Orleans Grays, wrote this account of the ensuing battle from his vantage point.[34]

“The hollow roar of our cannon was followed by the brisk rattling of drums and the shrill blasts of bugles. Summons, cries, the sudden trampling of feet, the metallic click of weapons mingled in the distance with the noisy blare of the alarm and the heavy rumblings of the artillery. Our friends had done the trick. [Note: James C. Neill, the artillery commander, sent several salvos in the direction of the Alamo to divert attention away from other forces moving into the town of San Antonio.] Their cannonading had put the Mexicans on the alert, and many of them would probably rush to the defense of the fortress. The success of this first part of our scheme encouraged us, for we thought that in the midst of the din and confusion we should have a better chance of slipping into the city unnoticed.

[Note: Jesus Cuellar, a native of Bexar, led the New Orleans Greys into the city.] Not a word passed his (Jesus Cuellar} lips, and his eyes were constantly turned toward the Alamo, as if the dense shadows about the fortress held the secret fate of our adventure. {Note at some point after the cannon fired on the Alamo, rockets flared up from the fort, calling for the men in town to come to the defense of the fort.} It meant, he said (Cuellar comment on seeing the flares), that the road was free and that we were safe. The further into the city we ran, the more stone houses we should be able to occupy. Sometimes our way led across small Mexican gardens, which afforded us a good deal of shelter; sometimes over bare, exposed patches of ground close to the edge of the stream.

It was quite early yet. Most of the objects around us were still wrapped in the receding shadows of departing night, but in spite of this semidarkness, we easily detected the enemy’s position. The lurid glow of the explosions lit up the central quadrangle of the city, from which the Mexican artillery poured forth continuous volleys of shot. A dozen or more six-pounders seemed to have chosen our small fortress [Note: Place of shelter taken by Ehrenburg and several other men which was a stone building that had served as a guardhouse.] as a special objective, and one of them, which stood within eight feet of us, gave us a good deal of anxiety….Cannon balls and bullets whizzed and crashed above our heads, leaving us frightened and bewildered.

On our right and somewhat farther back than we were, little clouds of smoke were raising at intervals from several stone buildings. Judging from the intermittent shooting that these were held by a small number of our adversaries, we promptly made up our minds to seize the houses and use them as part of our quarters. Just as our plans were completed, several discharges from these same houses informed us that they were in the hands of our friends, who likewise had mistaken us for enemies. While they were firing upon us, one of their bullets had hit a tall Mississippian named Moore, but fortunately it had glanced off a two-dollar piece which he had in his coat pocket. The second bullet struck another very tall fellow, also from Mississippi, tore off his forehead, and dashed its fragments on the flagstone and on those of us who stood around him. [Note: A third man, a German, was badly wounded in this exchange of friendly fire.] Scores of lead and copper bullets greeted the appearance of volunteers bold enough to run the gauntlet of this well- sustained fusillade. (On silencing the cannon which harassed them) Several of our best sharpshooters stationed themselves close to the loop-holes in our walls and mercilessly struck down every bluecoat who came near the artillery piece, which was very soon reduced to silence because the Mexican soldiers were unable to reach it.

[Note: The fighting was causing the men to become thirsty and the rebels attempted to run to the river for water but were discouraged by sniping by the Mexicans. By this time, Ehrenberg and his group had taken refuge in a house with a Mexican woman in attendance. She made them breakfast and then realized the men needed water. She volunteered to make the trip to the River, at which the men protested.] But she (The Mexican women) laughed at our objections, saying that we did not begin to realize the fondness of the Mexicans for the fair sex. She added that since there was no danger it would be foolish to stop her, and was off before we had time to hold her back. She {after reaching the river without incidence} had filled the buckets and was preparing to go back when the enemy opened fire on her. Four bullets went through her body and she fell lifeless on the green grass. Our men, horror-stricken, gazed over the walls, and after a few moments several of them rushed outside and dragged in the well meaning but unfortunate woman." [Note: While both sides paused in the battle after this horrifying event, several of the Greys were able to make it to the river and bring back the badly needed water.]

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At the conclusion of the first day of battle, the Texans had one killed and several wounded while the Mexican side had several killed and several more wounded. However, the Mexicans still held the plaza and the Alamo. Creed Taylor recalled the action at the plaza on the close of the first day of fighting; “These walls were manned by Mexicans troops who kept up a brisk fire upon us during the day, and if they had been trained marksmen, armed with any other gun than the ’escopeta.’ few of us would have escaped death. I saw volley after volley fired from an ’ararea’ in our front and not a man’s head to be seen. Crouching behind the roof-walls, these Mexican soldiers would load, thrust their guns over the crest of the low wall, and send a constant shower of balls in our direction, with harmless effect. It was a matter of self preservation, since no sooner did a head appear above the walls than it served as a target for a dozen hunting rifles, and there was always another dead Mexican.”[35]

Frank Johnson’s after-action report to Burleson on the second day of fighting gave this brief account; “At daylight on the 6th the enemy were observed to have occupied the tops of houses in our front, where, under the cover of breastworks, they opened through loop-holes a very brisk fire of small arms on our whole line, followed by a steady cannonading from the town, in front, and the Alamo on the left flank, with few interruptions during the day.”

On the third day, Creed Taylor’s company found themselves pinned down in an adobe house which came under fire from Mexican cannon. Each time the cannon roared, another part of the house was destroyed and it would only be a matter of time before there protection was gone and they were exposed to the cannon. Across the street was another stone house occupied by Mexican soldiers, but which offered better protection. Taylor wrote this account of the heroics of Henry Karnes. “Boys (Karnes speaking), load your guns and be ready. I am going to break open that door….I want you to pour a steady hot fire into those fellows on the roof and hold their attention till I reach the door, and when I break it in I want you boys to make a clean dash for that house.” Taylor and the other men appraised Karnes of all of the guns in the windows of the building and the danger of what he was suggesting to which he answered: “Damn the Mexicans and their escopetas, (Mexican Gun) It’s that house or retreat. You men do as I tell you.” Taylor continued his account; “And with rifle in one hand and crowbar in the other, he flew across the street, and after a few well-directed blows, the door gave way, by which time our whole company was at his heels.” The company forced the Mexicans from the house and took up their new safer position.[35] Around noon, the rebels captured the Veramendi house[36], and this was where Ben Milam established a headquarters. While scanning the battlefield with a telescope from the house courtyard, he was killed by a Mexican sniper.

During the night of December 7th, a cold rain fell, wetting the gun powder preventing and slowing the firing of weapons. The rebels took advantage of the lull to improve their defensive positions while General Cos attempted to change the outcome of the battle by attacking the headquarters’ of Burleson. According to one witness of the attack, “It appeared we were to be swept off by a general charge by the cavalry, Infantry, and lancers, playing more music than I ever heard.”[37] With the assistance of his artillery, Burleson and his men held their ground, inflicting heavy casualties on the Mexican troops which forced them to break-off the charge and withdraw

A rumor started making the rounds in the Mexican camp that a relief column was approaching and Cos sent two hundred men out to meet them. These men, on finding no troops approaching the city, promptly deserted. Mexican General Vicente Filisola wrote these words related to Mexican moral when the deserters didn’t return. “There was a feeling that General Cos was dead. The fact that many of the women and children of the town had sought refuge in the Alamo depressed the troops which yet remained. They became obsessed with the idea that their cause was already lost, and increasing rumors of more desertions persisted.”[38]

On the afternoon of the fourth day of battle, five hundred men under the command of Colonel Ugartecha arrived from the Rio Grande and entered the town where the defenders still held the rebels at bay. Juan Sanchez - Navarro, a Lieutenant Colonel of Engineers gave this account of their arrival in San Antonio. “We entered the town by the trail to Cadet Flores’ house and from there to the plaza, where we were greeted with rifle fire, acclamations and ringing of bells by 300 valiant souls who for 55 days had been preparing breastworks day and night without regard for distinction of rank.” However, the relief troops had been marching for forty-eight hours and were fatigued to the extent, they could offer little support. Sanchez wrote, “I slept so soundly that nearby cannon and rifle fire did not wake me.” Sanchez was awakened by one of his captains declaring, “We are lost!”

General Cos ordered Sanchez to approach the rebels to obtain the best terms of surrender possible. His instructions from Cos were “….approach the enemy and obtain the best terms possible. Save the dignity of our Government, the honor of its arms, and honor, life, and property of chiefs, officials, and troops that still remain with me, even though I myself perish.” Sanchez wrote of his encounter with the rebels “We were surrounded with crude bumpkins, proud and overbearing. Whoever knows the character of North America may appreciate the position in which we found ourselves.”[39] His negotiations with the rebels resulted in better terms of surrender than expected. The cease-fire document stated the Mexicans could “retire with their arms and private property into the interior of the republic under parole of honor….not in any way oppose the reestablishment of the federal constitution of 1824.” In addition to the above, the rebels agreed to supply the Mexicans with provisions for their journey from the battlefield. So ended the Siege of Béxar.[40]

Apparently, after the Siege of Béxar, the Lewis men returned to their families. After Santa Anna recaptured San Antonio and the Alamo and the fate of the men defending spread through the communities, large numbers of settlers left their homes behind and began to move towards the Sabine River and the United States. The Retreating Texas Army burned crops, buildings, and anything that would aid the enemy soldiers as they advanced towards the United States border, hoping to deprive them of the ability of living off the land. The exodus from Texas by the refugees became known as the “Runaway Scrape” and most likely, the Lewis Family, along with the Stark and Herrin families, removed to their previous homes in Ouachita Parish, Louisiana until the war ended. No further records have been found indicating the participation of members of these families in the Texas Revolution after the siege at Béxar further supporting the probability the families and their men became refugees after Santa Anna captured the Alamo.

At the conclusion of hostilities after Houston was victorious at the Battle of San Jacinto, Samuel S. Lewis became a prominent member of the Jasper County community and served in the Texas Republic as a representative from Jasper County until his death February 10, 1838, at his plantation in the Bevil district.